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Between 1945 and 1966, the Case Study Houses program , following the Weißenhof-siedlung exposition, commissioned a study of economic, easy-to-build houses. The study included the creation of 36 prototypes that were to be built leading up to post-war residential development. The initiative by John Entenza, editor of Arts & Architecture magazine, brought a team to Los Angeles that featured some of the biggest names in architecture at the time, including Richard Neutra , Charles & Ray Eames, Pierre Koenig, and Eero Saarinen , among others.
The program's experiment not only defined the modern home and set it apart from its predecessors, but it also pioneered new construction materials and methods in residential development that continue to influence international architecture to this day. Take a detailed look at some of the program's most emblematic work together with recommendations for facing contemporary challenges.
"What is a house?" asked Eames. He soon answered his own question with a drawing that captured the new ways that people used and lived in the contemporary home: listening to music, watching movies, entertaining, and relaxing. These functions led to the introduction of open floor plans and multi-purpose rooms divided between public and private spaces, which quickly became the norm for modern house design.
In this sense, living spaces also began to stand out for the creative details that began to link the inside of the residence with the outside, mainly by maximizing the use of open air spaces. Sliding doors, furniture, and other elements were another facet to the personalization of spaces in an attempt to satisfy the the tastes and wants of the future residents while keeping in mind their security and privacy.
Another interesting factor was the attention given to storage spaces such as cabinets, shelves, and closets, especially in kitchens, bedrooms, and bathrooms. In this sense, as shown in the film “House: After Five Years of Living,” made by Eames in 1955, the resident's personal possessions and where they are exhibited play an important role in humanizing a living space.
As can be seen in numerous examples, the decision to use materials such as cement blocks, plywood, and industrial glass dramatically reduced the project's costs. In turn, by using the resistance of the metal, the designers were able to use smaller dimensions for the columns and beams, resulting in smaller frameworks to enclose the spaces. Maintenance costs were even lower. The materials could be left exposed in their raw form or covered with a light coat of paint and could easily be replaced in the event of breakage.
The low-cost trend gained even more momentum with the development of various methods to reduce heating and lighting expenses. The use of large floor-to-ceiling windows maximized natural light and their sliding fixtures allowed for optimal air-flow. Furthermore, the wide incorporation of plants and green space also worked to keep the home cool and comfortable.
An interesting aspect that could be seen in numerous houses was modular construction - giving homes a simple geometry that not only facilitated the standardization of the building process but also allowed homes to be pre-manufactured as a way to reduce building time.
Pre-fabricated systems reduced the number of construction jobs that needed time to dry or set and offered a feasible and more importantly, replicable, solution with the intelligent mixing of materials, such as aluminum and wooden frameworks. If a method could not be replicated across different experiments, it still served as an example in the research and development of construction technology in housing.
Another important element of pre-fabrication is the idea of "core services" that house the plumbing and heating installations that center around kitchens and bathrooms as a way to consolidate one of the living space's biggest expenses.
For more information and examples, we recommend visiting the following links where you can get a first-hand look at the living spaces and their layouts:
See more articles about topics of contemporary living spaces in the following links:
Editor's note: This article was originally published on March 25, 2019.
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The request came days after the high court offered some clarification on testing the constitutionality of gun restrictions..
WASHINGTON − Now that the Supreme Court has offered some clarification on testing the constitutionality of a gun restriction, the Justice Department wants the high court to decide if people convicted of both violent and non-violent felonies can be barred from having a firearm.
The government told the high court this week their intervention is needed because a disagreement among lower courts has had “widespread and disruptive effects” that are threatening public safety.
The Justice Department made that argument in a filing days after the Supreme Court upheld a law banning domestic abusers from having guns in a decision that only partially addressed many of the issues that have arisen after the court in 2022 set a historical test for deciding if gun regulations are permissible under the Second Amendment.
Writing for the 8-1 majority, Chief Justice John Roberts said courts have misunderstood the methodology behind that decision.
But the court’s three liberal justices, while welcoming the clarification, said there is still not a clear test to assess the constitutionality of gun restrictions.
“Today’s opinion inches that ball forward,” Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson wrote in a concurring opinion . “But it is becoming increasingly obvious that there are miles to go.”
The Justice Department said the court needs to decide if someone convicted of a crime punishable by more than a year in prison can be barred from having a gun.
The cases the government wants the Supreme Court to take up next term involve very different circumstances.
An Iowa man with a long criminal record that includes convictions for theft, assault and intimidation with a dangerous weapon is appealing his conviction of possessing a firearm as a felon.
A Minnesota man who had served time for a non-violent drug crime – selling cocaine – said he should not have been charged for having a gun after serving his sentence.
A Pennsylvania man argues his decades-old conviction for falsifying his income on an application for food stamps should not prevent him from having a firearm.
A Utah woman likewise said bad checks she wrote 17 years ago are not enough to block her right to a gun.
The statute being tested in all the cases was used in more than 7,600 convictions in 2022, according to the Justice Department. The convictions accounted for 12% of all federal criminal cases.
“Uncertainty about the statute’s constitutionality thus affects a significant proportion of the federal criminal docket,” Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar told the court.
Some of the firearm convictions overturned by lower courts involved murders, carjackers and drug traffickers, she noted.
The split in how courts are resolving the cases arose after the Supreme Court in 2022 struck down a New York law that required state residents to have "proper cause" to carry a handgun . In NYSRPA v. Bruen, the court said gun prohibitions must be grounded in history .
In last week’s opinion upholding gun bans for domestic abusers, Roberts said some courts mistakenly read that decision to mean they had to find a “historical twin” for a regulation, rather than a "historical analogue."
But Roberts also said that decision, and two other recent ones that have reshaped the Second Amendment debate, were not an “exhaustive analysis” of the amendment’s limits and protections.
Justices in the court’s liberal wing − as well as Justice Amy Coney Barrett – emphasized the confusion that exists.
“Courts have struggled with this use of history in the wake of Bruen,” Barrett wrote in a concurrence.
Jackson said the Bruen test “appears to be creating chaos.”
The court could decide in the coming days whether to take up the Second Amendment cases.
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Research on the renewal of multi-story high-density urban landscape based on property rights land—a case study of the self-built liu houses in zherong, fujian province, 1. introduction, 2. materials and methods, 3. results: case study—zherong county, fujian province.
Author contributions, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
Click here to enlarge figure
Content | Sub-Content | Detailed Content | Indicators | Weight Values |
---|---|---|---|---|
Building scale | Heights | Average floor height | The average floor height of the target building is added or subtracted from the average of the block and block in which the building is located, and the difference is recorded as H1 and H2, respectively. | In the calculation, the weight values k1 and k2 are used, respectively. |
Number of floors | Add or subtract from the average of the blocks and blocks, and the difference is recorded as H1 and H2. | In the calculation, the weight values K1 and K2 are used, respectively. | ||
Volume | Width | Add or subtract from the average of the blocks and blocks, and the difference is recorded as w1 and w2. | In the calculation, the weight values q1 and q2 are used, respectively. | |
Length | Add or subtract from the average of the blocks and blocks, and the difference is recorded as d1 and d2. | In the calculation, the weight values q3 and q4 are used, respectively. | ||
Area | Add or subtract from the average of the blocks and blocks, and the difference is recorded as a1 and a2. | In the calculation, the weight values q5 and q6 are used, respectively. | ||
Concave and convex | If courtyard | Bool value is ɑ1. | The weight value x1 is used in the calculation. | |
If terrace | Bool value is ɑ2. | The weight value x2 is used in the calculation. | ||
If Bay window | Bool value is ɑ3. | The weight value x3 is used in the calculation. | ||
If concave and convex over 50 cm | Bool value is ɑ4. | The weight value x4 is used in the calculation. | ||
Plan elements | Building setback | Building setback scales | Bool value is ɑ5. | The weight value y1 is used in the calculation. |
Facade elements | Roof form | If similar | Bool value is ɑ6. | The weight value u1 is used in the calculation. |
Mian form | If similar | Bool value is ɑ7. | The weight value u2 is used in the calculation. | |
Base form | If similar | Bool value is ɑ8. | The weight value u3 is used in the calculation. | |
Color | If similar | Bool value is ɑ9. | The weight value u4 is used in the calculation. | |
Material | If similar | Bool value is ɑ10. | The weight value u5 is used in the calculation | |
Ornament | If similar | Bool value is ɑ11. | The weight value u6 is used in the calculation, |
Types of Liu Houses | Time | Architectural Features | Sample Figures |
---|---|---|---|
Early Liu House | 1980–1990 | (1) The number of floors is no less than 3 and no more than 6 floors. (2) The pediments of the townhouses are independent of each other, and the construction is led by the residents. | |
Mid-term Liu House | 1990–1995 | (1) The number of floors is no less than 3 and no more than 6 floors. (3) Townhouse buildings share common pediments. | |
Late Liu House | 1995+ | (1) The number of floors is no less than 3 and no more than 6 floors. (2) Townhouse buildings share common walls and foundations and are constructed by the developer in a unified manner. |
Content | Sub-Content | Detailed Content | Difficulty of Renovation Construction | Weight Values |
---|---|---|---|---|
Building scale | Heights | Average floor height | High | Considering the difficulty of the update construction, k1 = k2 = 10 |
Number of floors | Considering the difficulty of the update construction, K1 = K2 = 10 | |||
Volume | Width | Very high | Considering the difficulty of the update construction, q1 = q2 = 20 | |
Length | Considering the difficulty of the update construction, q3 = q4 = 20 | |||
Area | Considering the difficulty of the update construction, q5 = q6 = 20 | |||
Concave and convex | If courtyard | High | x1 = 10 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |
If terrace | x1 = 10 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |||
If Bay window | x1 = 10 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |||
If concave and convex over 50 cm | x1 = 10 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |||
Plan elements | Building setback | Building setback scales | Very high | y1 = 20 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction |
Facade elements | Roof form | If similar | Medium | u1 = 2 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction |
Mian form | If similar | Medium | u2 = 2 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |
Base form | If similar | Low | u3 = 1 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |
Color | If similar | Low | u4 = 1 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |
Material | If similar | Medium | u5 = 2 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction | |
Ornament | If similar | Low | u6 = 1 is set to take into account the difficulty of updating the construction |
Control Level | Control Target | Range of Number X | Control Methods | Renovation Strategies |
---|---|---|---|---|
Level 1 | The diversity of form is high | >180 | not much guidance required | |
Level 2 | Diversity is comparatively high | 100–180 | Certain guidance required | |
Level 3 | Diversity is normal | 50–100 | Constraints and control needed | |
Level 4 | Diversity is comparatively low | 20–50 | Strict constraints and control needed | |
Level 5 | Diversity is very low | <20 | An overall renovation may be more suitable |
The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. |
Li, N.; Cao, Z.; Wang, K. Research on the Renewal of Multi-Story High-Density Urban Landscape Based on Property Rights Land—A Case Study of the Self-Built Liu Houses in Zherong, Fujian Province. Buildings 2024 , 14 , 1998. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings14071998
Li N, Cao Z, Wang K. Research on the Renewal of Multi-Story High-Density Urban Landscape Based on Property Rights Land—A Case Study of the Self-Built Liu Houses in Zherong, Fujian Province. Buildings . 2024; 14(7):1998. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings14071998
Li, Ningyuan, Zhenyu Cao, and Ka Wang. 2024. "Research on the Renewal of Multi-Story High-Density Urban Landscape Based on Property Rights Land—A Case Study of the Self-Built Liu Houses in Zherong, Fujian Province" Buildings 14, no. 7: 1998. https://doi.org/10.3390/buildings14071998
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WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court on Monday ruled for the first time that former presidents have broad immunity from prosecution, extending the delay in the Washington criminal case against Donald Trump on charges he plotted to overturn his 2020 presidential election loss and all but ending prospects the former president could be tried before the November election.
In a historic 6-3 ruling , the court’s conservative majority, including the three justices appointed by Trump, narrowed the case against him and returned it to the trial court to determine what is left of special counsel Jack Smith’s indictment.
Trump celebrated a “BIG WIN” on X. President Joe Biden said the justices set “a dangerous precedent (that) undermines the rule of this nation.”
The ruling reflected a muscular view of presidential power, and left dissenting judges to criticize it as undermining a core democratic principle that no person is above the law.
The court’s decision highlighted how the justices have been thrust into an impactful role in the November presidential election. Earlier, they had rejected efforts to bar him from the ballot because of his actions following the 2020 election. The court last week also limited an obstruction charge faced by Trump and used against hundreds of his supporters who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The split among the justices also in many ways mirrored the political divide in the country.
“Under our constitutional structure of separated powers, the nature of presidential power entitles a former president to absolute immunity from criminal prosecution for actions within his conclusive and preclusive constitutional authority,” Chief Justice John Roberts wrote for the court. “And he is entitled to at least presumptive immunity from prosecution for all his official acts. There is no immunity for unofficial acts.”
The chief justice insisted that the president “is not above the law.” But in a fiery dissent for the court’s three liberals, Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote, “In every use of official power, the President is now a king above the law.”
Reading from her opinion in the courtroom, Sotomayor said, “Because our Constitution does not shield a former president from answering for criminal and treasonous acts, I dissent.” Sotomayor said the decision “makes a mockery of the principle, foundational to our Constitution and system of government, that no man is above the law.”
The protection afforded presidents by the court, she said, “is just as bad as it sounds, and it is baseless.”
Trump posted in all capital letters on his social media network shortly after the decision was released: “BIG WIN FOR OUR CONSTITUTION AND DEMOCRACY. PROUD TO BE AN AMERICAN!”
Biden, in evening remarks from the White House, cited accepted restraints on presidential power all the way back to George Washington and bemoaned that “for all practical purposes, today’s decision almost certainly means that there are virtually no limits on what a president can do.”
Smith’s office declined to comment on the ruling.
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer denounced the ruling as “a disgraceful decision,” made with the help of the three justices that Trump appointed.
“It undermines SCOTUS’s credibility and suggests political influence trumps all in our courts today,” the New York Democrat said on X.
The justices knocked out one aspect of the indictment. The opinion found Trump is “absolutely immune” from prosecution for alleged conduct involving discussions with the Justice Department.
Trump is also “at least presumptively immune” from allegations that he tried to pressure Vice President Mike Pence to reject certification of Democrat Joe Biden’s electoral vote win on Jan. 6, 2021. Prosecutors can try to make the case that Trump’s pressure on Pence still can be part of the case against him, Roberts wrote.
The court directed a fact-finding analysis on one of the more striking allegations in the indictment -- that Trump participated in a scheme to enlist fake electors in battleground states won by Biden who would falsely assert that Trump had won. Both sides had dramatically different interpretations as to whether that effort could be construed as official, and the conservative justices said determining which side is correct would require additional analysis at the trial court level.
Roberts’ opinion further restricted prosecutors by prohibiting them from using any official acts as evidence in trying to prove a president’s unofficial actions violated the law. One example not relevant to this case but which came up in arguments was the hypothetical payment of a bribe in return for an ambassadorial appointment.
Under Monday’s decision, a former president could be prosecuted for accepting a bribe, but prosecutors could not mention the official act, the appointment, in their case.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who joined the rest of Roberts’ opinion, parted company on this point. “The Constitution does not require blinding juries to the circumstances surrounding conduct for which Presidents can be held liable,” Barrett wrote.
She also described as unnecessary the analysis of the fake electors claim. “I see no plausible argument for barring prosecution of that alleged conduct,” Barrett wrote.
The work of figuring out how to proceed will fall to U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan, who would preside over Trump’s trial.
Trump still could face a trial, said Notre Dame law professor Derek Muller. “But the fact remains that it is almost impossible to happen before the election.”
David Becker, an election law expert and the executive director of the nonprofit Center for Election Innovation and Research, called the breadth of immunity granted to Trump “incredibly broad” and “deeply disturbing.”
“Almost anything that a president does with the executive branch is characterized as an official act,” he said on a call with reporters following the ruling. He said that “for any unscrupulous individual holding the seat of the Oval Office who might lose an election, the way I read this opinion is it could be a roadmap for them seeking to stay in power.”
The ruling was the last of the term, and it came more than two months after the court heard arguments, far slower than in other epic high court cases involving the presidency, including the Watergate tapes case.
The Republican former president has denied doing anything wrong and has said this prosecution and three others are politically motivated to try to keep him from returning to the White House.
In May, Trump became the first former president to be convicted of a felony, in a New York court. He was found guilty of falsifying business records to cover up a hush money payment made during the 2016 presidential election to a porn actor who says she had sex with him, which he denies. After Monday’s ruling, Trump’s lawyers asked the New York judge who presided over that trial to set aside his conviction and delay his sentencing. He still faces three other indictments.
Smith is leading the two federal inquiries of the former president, both of which have led to criminal charges. The Washington case focuses on Trump’s alleged efforts to overturn the 2020 election after he lost to Biden. The case in Florida revolves around the mishandling of classified documents. A separate case, in Georgia, also turns on Trump’s actions after his defeat in 2020.
If Trump’s Washington trial does not take place before the 2024 election and he is not given another four years in the White House, he presumably would stand trial soon thereafter.
But if he wins, he could appoint an attorney general who would seek the dismissal of this case and the other federal prosecution he faces. He could also attempt to pardon himself if he reclaims the White House. He could not pardon himself for the conviction in state court in New York.
The Supreme Court that heard the case included three justices appointed by Trump — Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Barrett — and two justices who opted not to step aside after questions were raised about their impartiality.
Thomas’ wife, Ginni, attended the rally near the White House where Trump spoke on Jan. 6, 2021, though she did not go the Capitol when a mob of Trump supporters attacked it soon after. Following the 2020 election, she called the outcome a “heist” and exchanged messages with White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, urging him to stand firm with Trump as he falsely claimed that there was widespread election fraud.
Justice Samuel Alito said there was no reason for him to step aside from the cases following reports by The New York Times that said flags similar to those carried by the Jan. 6 rioters flew above his homes in Virginia and on the New Jersey shore. His wife, Martha-Ann Alito, was responsible for flying both the inverted American flag in January 2021 and the “Appeal to Heaven” banner in the summer of 2023, he said in letters to Democratic lawmakers responding to their recusal demands.
Before the Supreme Court got involved, a trial judge and a three-judge appellate panel had ruled unanimously that Trump could be prosecuted for actions undertaken while in the White House and in the run-up to Jan. 6.
Chutkan ruled against Trump’s immunity claim in December. In her ruling, Chutkan said the office of the president “does not confer a lifelong ‘get-out-of-jail-free’ pass.”
Associated Press writers Lindsay Whitehurst, Alanna Durkin Richer, Eric Tucker, Stephen Groves, Farnoush Amiri, Michelle Price and Ali Swenson contributed to this report.
Copyright 2024 The Associated Press, Inc. All rights reserved. The Associated Press contributed to this report.
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WASHINGTON (AP) — President Joe Biden is seeking to put the focus squarely onto Donald Trump following his uneven debate performance last week.
Watch Biden’s remarks in the player above.
Speaking Monday after the U.S. Supreme Court ruling granting broad immunity from prosecution to Trump and other presidents, Biden said the high court’s ruling had undermined the rule of law. The court’s conservative majority ruling makes it all but certain that the Republican will not face trial in Washington ahead of the November election over his actions during the violent riot on Jan. 6, 2021.
READ MORE: What does the Supreme Court immunity ruling mean for Trump? 6 questions answered
“No one is above the law, not even the president of the United States,” Biden said from the White House.
During his brief remarks he made no mention of last week’s debate or his performance, and did not take questions.
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Biden seemed relaxed and confident, striking a clear and crisp tone and looking tanned and rested — all of which was in stark contrast to his often halting performance during last week’s debate, when his face was notably pale. The president also had the benefit of a teleprompter for his remarks about the court, something he didn’t have while facing off with Trump.
“I know I will respect the limits of presidential power as I have for the three-and-a-half years, but any president, including Donald Trump, will now be free to ignore the law,” Biden said.
For all the public efforts to shift the focus away from his uneven performance that spooked donors and prompted Democratic anxiety, there have been private discussions on what more Biden could do to counteract what Americans saw during the debate, when he gave convoluted answers, trailed off at times, occasionally stared blankly and sounded raspy-voiced.
There has been talk about whether Biden should be seen more in public through town-hall-style events or interviews and press conferences, which he has generally avoided during his time in office.
But most in his orbit are waiting on more substantial polling to come back in order to assess how bad the damage was before altering course in any substantial way. That’s according to four Biden advisers who were not authorized to speak publicly about internal discussions and spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity.
Biden’s team may not alter anything at all. Many think — or hope — the fraught moment will pass, particularly after Biden’s family encouraged him to stay in the race and keep fighting during a huddle at Camp David on Sunday.
Campaign officials said Monday they had nothing to announce on new events. They said Biden would be campaigning as he has been, hitting battleground states as he has already been doing for months.
An ad released Monday was called “I Know” using clips from Biden’s post-debate North Carolina rally, where he said, “When you get knocked down, you get back up.”
Quentin Fulks, Biden’s principal deputy campaign manager, put the focus on Trump in a call with reporters, saying, “When you do see President Biden out on the trail, he will be talking about the reasons why Americans should be scared of Donald Trump, as he has been for months.”
Even before the debate, the age of the 81-year-old Democratic president had been a liability with voters, and the prime-time faceoff put the issue front-and-center before perhaps the largest audience he will have in the four months until Election Day. CNN, which held the debate, said more than 51 million people watched.
“I think his age was baked in, to a large degree, and I know he can do better than he did on Thursday night. I expected to see better. I’m not sure other voters did,” said Jennifer Palmieri, a White House communications director during the Obama administration and a spokesperson for Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign.
She added that, tactically, the campaign has responded by promoting Biden’s strong speech in North Carolina on Friday and by continuing to post strong fundraising numbers. Palmieri also said Biden might also want to sit for more interviews to continue to show that the debate was an anomaly.
“Their focus needs to be on getting him in front of voters that matter the most, and more interviews should be part of that. Don’t be like Trump in your own little universe,” she said. “For now, we’re early, but what they’re doing is working.”
There’s a sense that voters may now be watching Biden more closely for signs that show one way or another whether his debate debacle was a blip — whether he is, as he says, capable of doing the job.
Alan Kessler, a lawyer and member of the Biden campaign’s national finance team, has spent days calming jittery donors, telling them what he says he has personally witnessed when he’s seen the president — that he’s “lucid, strong as he’s always been.”
“To the extent it’s necessary, I’m reassuring people,” Kessler said.
Rebecca Katz, a strategist who worked with Democratic Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman’s winning campaign in 2022, saw potential parallels in Fetterman’s comeback from a shaky debate performance after he had a stroke.
Fetterman’s team highlighted especially bombastic comments his opponent made about abortion during that debate, and also had the candidate travel extensively afterward. He did lots of local television interviews to ensure voters in key markets saw him outside of clips from the debate.
“It’s not a perfect comparison but there is a blueprint for the Biden campaign,” Katz said. “You can have a rough debate night and still win.”
Biden expressed interest in doing at least one interview. At a Saturday fundraiser in East Hampton, New York, Biden said he had spoken with the broadcaster Howard Stern, who had interviewed him in April, where he answered open-ended questions mostly about his early years.
The president told the crowd he was ready for another sit-down with Stern, saying: “I had a great time on his show. And I’m actually going to take a chance in going back.”
The Democratic National Committee and Biden’s campaign, meanwhile, kept up damage control, holding an evening finance call. Over the weekend, they held calls with donors and one with dozens of committee members across the country — some of the most influential members of the party. They offered a rosy assessment of the path forward and gave no opportunity for others on the call to ask questions.
Multiple committee members on the weekend call, most granted anonymity to talk about the private discussion, described feeling like they were being asked to ignore a serious predicament.
Campaign officials have said there was no discussion “whatsoever” of Biden exiting the race nor of any staff shakeups following the debate.
Democratic Sen. Bob Casey of Pennsylvania said he thought voters were more concerned with the issues at stake, anyway. “I’ve been at this a while, and I know his work,” Casey said.
The window of opportunity for that is shrinking anyway. The Democratic National Committee has announced that it will use a virtual roll call to formally make him the nominee before the convention begins in Chicago on Aug. 19. But when that will happen and what it will look like is still unclear.
Associated Press Writers Josh Boak, Michael Rubinkam in Scranton, Pa., and Thomas Beaumont in Des Moinse, Iowa contributed to this report.
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Politics Jun 28
'house of the dragon' season 2, episode 2: a real no-twin scenario.
Glen Weldon
Emma D'Arcy as Rhaenyra. Theo Whitman/HBO hide caption
This is a recap of the most recent episode of HBO’s House of the Dragon . It contains spoilers. That’s what a recap is.
Chaos in the Red Keep! The heir to the king is dead! Li’l Jaehaerys’s body – and only his body, as assassins Blood and Cheese have scampered off with his head – has been discovered, and the guards are rounding up everyone. By this logic, their next move should be to run to the now-empty royal barn and shut its doors.
King Aegon is furious, and takes it out on the late King Viserys’s elaborately sculpted facsimile of Old Valyria, the Targaryen ancestral home. Confronted with the destruction of his line’s future, Aegon destroys a representation of its past. Way to live in the now, there, My Grace.
Aemond finds the secret door Blood and Cheese used in the room that he and Criston Cole were plotting in. He then picks up a coin that the show seems to want to invest with symbolic importance, but I rewound several times and still couldn’t make out its design, so your guess is as good as mine.
Catch up with the season premiere of House of the Dragon, along with all of last season's recaps, here on NPR . And stay updated this summer: Recaps will appear on Sunday evenings after each episode ends.
Alicent is a wreck over the news and blames herself, suggesting that the gods are punishing her for … something she has the good sense not to mention to her father. (Read: The fact that Cole’s White Cloak is more of an Ecru Cloak, these days.) Otto is predictably sanguine: “Some good may yet come of this,” he says. Real goblet-half-full guy, is our Otto.
At the Small Council, Aegon is fuming and foaming, blaming everyone, including Criston Cole, who tells the king that he was “abed,” but not what he was adoing, or awhom he was adoing it with. Lord Larys appears with news that they’ve caught Blood red-handed (and platinum-headed).
Otto suggests Aegon can garner public support and sympathy for himself while turning the people – and the Great Houses who are still undecided — against Rhaenyra. He suggests a funeral procession through the streets of King’s Landing, so that the smallfolk can see Rhaenyra’s cruelty for themselves. That Citadel extension course in marketing is really coming in handy.
Neither Alicent or, especially, Helaena is exactly jazzed about the idea, but they acquiesce. During the procession, the wagon bearing Jaehaerys’s body hits a pothole, because although Aegon II is always announcing Infrastructure Week, nothing ever gets done. The wagon rocks back and forth; Jaehaerys’s tiny body gets jostled. If you, at this point in the proceedings, felt certain that Jaehaerys’s precious little noggin was gonna come loose and bounce down the street like a platinum-haired soccer ball, then A. You are a bad person, and B. Come sit here by me.
Meanwhile, in the Red Keep’s dungeon, Blood hastily confesses that Daemon hired him and a ratcatcher to kill Aemond. But that doesn’t spare him a mace to the face from Aegon. (In the book, Blood suffers thirteen days of torture before being “allowed to die,” so we’re spared that subplot, at least.)
On Dragonstone, at the Painted (But Actually Not Painted, Technically Glowing) Table, Rhaenyra hears from her advisors about Jaehaerys, and that she’s being held responsible. She’s legit shocked, but Rhaenys the Always Right isn’t; she casts an accusatory look at Daemon, who avoids her penetrating and insightful gaze. Rhaenyra’s a bit slower on the uptake, but she gets it eventually.
Alicent (Olivia Cooke), Otto Hightower (Rhys Ifans), Aegon II (Tom Glynn-Carney), Criston Cole (Fabien Frankel), Ironrod (Paul Kennedy), and Orwyle (Kurt Egyiawan). Ollie Upton/HBO hide caption
In private, Rhaenyra lays into Daemon about the murder. He attempts to shift the blame, and conspicuously refuses to tell her what his specific instructions to Blood and Cheese were, if they couldn’t find Aemond. (You’ll remember the show cut away from that scene before he gave those instructions.) She starts listing his manifold shortcomings – can’t be trusted, thinks only of himself, etc. It’s about damn time; dude’s got more red flags than the Kremlin on May Day.
Daemon … doesn’t take this well. He snarls, hurls his goblet across the room and backs Rhaenyra into a corner, because that has always worked for him. But Rhaenyra’s not having it. She finally sees him for what he is, and lets him know it. He still resents that King Viserys passed him over for Rhaenyra, and has convinced himself that that Viserys chose her because he knew that she could never overshadow him the way Daemon would. Rhaenyra corrects him: Viserys didn’t fear him, he distrusted him, just as she now does. She calls him pathetic; he storms out.
This was a corker of a scene, and one that Emma D’Arcy dominated, even when Daemon was physically threatening Rhaenyra. That’s because Rhaenyra’s written and performed with more nuance than Daemon is, with access to wider range of emotions. As a character, Daemon’s still stuck in Underwritten Perma-SmirkTM mode; here’s hoping Matt Smith gets a bit more to work with as the season plays out.
Daemon (Matt Smith) and Rhaenyra (Emma D'Arcy). Theo Whitman/HBO hide caption
Rhaenyra summons Baela to her chambers. Player Scorecard Time: Baela is one of two kids that Daemon had with his previous wife, Laena Velaryon, who last season immolated herself by dragonfire. (Laena’s dragon, Vhagar, is now ridden by Aemond.)
Rhaeyra asks Baela to take her dragon Moondancer and monitor King’s Landing, making sure to fly high enough to avoid their weapons.
We get a few scenes establishing that both Criston Cole and Alicent feel guilty about Jaehaerys’s murder, given that they were both in, let’s say, a compromising position when it happened. They decide to take a break.
A guilt-ridden and sexually frustrated Cole needs to do something with all that pent-up energy, so he lashes out at Ser Arryk; accusations of dereliction of duty get heatedly exchanged. Cole takes Arryk’s insubordination as a flimsy excuse to task him with infiltrating the heavily defended Dragonstone to kill Rhaenyra. What transforms this Mission: Impossible into a Mission: Highly Unlikely, of course, is that Arryk can pose as his twin brother Erryk.
On Dragonstone, Baela and Jacaerys compare their Daddy issues, which is as good a topic as any for these two to bond over, given that they’re betrothed to each other. Jacaerys acknowledges both his dads – his dad-on-paper, dear queer Laenor (“He had a weakness for cake,” which, hell yeah he did!) and his biological dad Harwin Strong (“They called him Breakbones”).
We interrupt this episode to remind you that this is a Game of Thrones show on HBO, so yeah anyway here’s your periodic network-mandated Brothel Scene, ya filthy animals.
Aemond is visiting his favorite sex worker, and confesses to her that he regrets killing Lucerys. Now, I suppose this is another example of the show trying to lend its characters a bit of nuance, something I’d normally appreciate. (As I said, Matt Smith’s Daemon desperately needs more layers – that guy’s a big hunk of narrative matzo.)
But this one really doesn’t sit right, because the show has already tried to issue Aemond a pass for that lethal act. You’ll recall that the season 1 finale went out of its way to depict Lucerys’s murder as a wilful, disobedient act by Aemond’s dragon Vhagar. Between that, and the bit in this scene where Aemond whines that Lucerys used to tease him because he was different, it seems like the writers don’t understand the difference between humanizing a villain (a good thing!) and thinking they need to excuse them (very bad!). Enough with the mealy-mouthed pop-psych justifications! Let Aemond be Aemond, show!
We get a quick scene in King’s Landing with Hugh the blacksmith – the guy who asked King Aegon to pay for the weapons and armor he forged, last episode. That payment still hasn’t come, and he’s got a sick kid and a wife who’s finding it harder to put food on the table, due to Queen Rhaenyra’s blockade of the bay. Seems random, I know, but it isn’t – Hugh’s thread will get embroidered into the “Die, You!” Tapestry soon enough.
Cut to: the island of Driftmark, home of House Velaryon. Alyn the sailor, whom we met last episode, greets his brother Addam, a shipwright. They discuss the war, and Addam mentions that Lord Corlys, head of House Velaryon, “owes you. He owes us .” Hunh. How about that. Sure seems like they’re introducing a lot of non-noble randos for us to follow, all of a sudden. I wonder what that’s about. (I mean, I don’t, because I read the book. But you should.)
Addam (Clinton Liberty) and his brother Alyn (Abubakar Salim). Ollie Upton/HBO hide caption
Cut to: Pillow talk between Corlys and Rhaenys, both of whom worry about Daemon’s ambition. They mention that he’s left Dragonstone on his dragon Caraxes to try to capture the stronghold of Harrenhal, in the Riverlands.
Speaking of Dragonstone: Rhaenyra is pondering over many a quaint and curious volume of forgotten lore in a spiffy new season 2 set. She summons Mysaria from the dungeons, and asks about her role in Jaehaerys’s murder. Mysaria gives Rhaenyra a version of the spiel she gave Daemon last week: I’m a leaf in the wind, I go where the money is, etc. She mentions that Daemon promised her her freedom, but Rhaenyra is unmoved. Mysaria, who knows how to read a room, mentions that the powerful men of the Seven Kingdoms have never seen her as a person. This, as intended, lands with Rhaenyra, who sees a bit of herself in Mysaria – down to the scar she still carries from her own stint as Daemon’s lover.
On the beach of Driftmark, Addam spies Seasmoke, the dragon once ridden by the dearly departed Laenor (who let’s remember is not dead, just … departed). The beast seems restless. Foreshadowing? More like fiveshadowing.
In King’s Landing, we meet still another random, lowborn dude that we’ll see a lot more of in the weeks ahead. (His name’s Ulf; clip and save for your records.) For now, we follow him through the streets until he stumbles across a grisly scene – by order of King Aegon, every ratcatcher in the city has been hanged by the neck. And yes, Cheese is among them, though the birds have pecked enough holes in him that it’d be more accurate to call him Emmentaler at this point.
In the Red Keep, Otto storms in on Criston Cole and King Aegon, bitterly berating them for ordering the mass execution of innocent citizens. He fumes to a tipsy, uncaring Aegon that the king’s brutal action has just squandered all the goodwill that Jaehaerys’s funeral procession earned them.
It’s good to see Rhys Ifans let off the leash in this scene – gone is Otto’s static pose of sage and sober-minded concern, replaced by the fury of man who can no longer stomach serving someone as weak as Aegon. Otto gets to spit words like “idiot,” “fool,” “thoughtless,” “feckless,” “self-indulgent,” “ill-considered” and “trifling” and throws his whole body into it. For my money, though, it’s Ifans’s hilarious, slow-burn reaction to hearing about Criston Cole’s Erryk vs. Arryk plan that’s the high point of this episode.
Rhys Ifans as Otto Hightower. Ollie Upton/HBO hide caption
“I wish to spill blood, not ink!” whines Aegon, which is a line straight from the book, but it’s a good ‘un. He tells Otto to surrender his status as Hand of the King, and names Criston Cole Otto’s successor. Otto leaves, but not before letting on that he’s always known that Viserys never really named Aegon as his successor. The fact that he accompanies this revelation with a rich, sneering, villainous chuckle? Icing on the cake. That Laenor had a weakness for. That cake.
On Dragonstone, Rhaenyra decides to keep Daemon’s promise and frees Mysaria. On her way down to the docks, however, Mysaria spots a disguised Ser Arryk Cargyll making his way up to the castle. She pauses.
Arryk easily Splinter-Cell s his way into the castle (it’s all about timing the guard’s movements and shooting out the security cams). He tells the member of the Queensguard stationed outside her bedchamber – Ser Lorent Marbrand, if you’re scoring at home – that he’ll take over. As soon as Lorent is gone, he enters her room and advances on her.
And promptly gets interrupted by his brother, Ser Erryk Cargyll. They fight.
As epic throwdowns go, Cargyllbowl is no Cleganebowl . But then, how could it be? That matchup was looming for years, and it pitted one character we’d come to know enough to dearly love against another we knew enough to dutifully loathe.
By contrast, these beardy bros haven’t clocked nearly enough screentime to truly register, separately or together. Still, it’s a solid fight, and it places Rhaenyra in more danger than the book version does. But ultimately Erryk defeats Arryk. The victory is fleeting, however, as a remorseful Erryk throws himself on his sword. Which is stupid and pointless but, you have to admit, metal AF .
Back in the Red Keep, Otto is doing the Seven Kingdoms equivalent of packing up his desk into a cardboard box from the supply closet – you know: picture frames, succulents, a couple of Dilbert strips. He’s still angry, cursing Aegon and Criston for their foolishness. Alicent agrees – mostly. Her eyes dart guiltily as she avers that Criston, at least, is loyal, so you know … there’s that.
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Otto says he’ll return to Oldtown, home of House Hightower, where Alicent’s youngest son Daeron awaits.
WHOOP WHOOP WHOOP NEW CHARACTER ALERT WHOOP WHOOP WHOOP. No, you’re not crazy. This is the first we’ve heard mention of Daeron on the show. Daeron’s a teenager who’s been in Oldtown acting as a squire to the head of House Hightower. He’s got a (very young) dragon named Tessarion, and they’ve both got a role to play in this story. Dunno if he’s gonna show up this season, but at least we know he officially exists in the world of this show, now.
Alicent urges Otto not to go to Oldtown, but to Highgarden, home of House Tyrell. (Odds of Daeron showing up this season … shrinking … ) She assures Otto that she can talk some sense into Aegon, and he seems to believe her, because clearly neither one of them has been watching this show.
In fact, when Alicent does try to go to Aegon’s chambers for some of that sense-talking, she finds him weeping – alone, grieving, frightened, caving under the pressure. She leaves.
In her bedchamber, Criston is waiting.
Making a change would be far from easy, despite concerns about President Biden’s debate performance. But here’s who has surfaced before — and could again.
The Democratic Party has spent much of the 2024 campaign burying its head in the sand over Americans’ concerns about President Biden’s age and mental sharpness. Rather than reckon with the problem, its most influential voices have cast it as an overblown media construct.
But the party abruptly jerked its head out of that sand Thursday night, after a meandering, occasionally incoherent and almost universally panned first-debate performance from Biden . At its most pronounced, this has led to calls for Biden to step aside, including from those loyal to him.
That instantaneous reaction is hugely significant, in and of itself. It’s the kind of conversation you avoid — and the party has strained to avoid — until you view it as absolutely necessary. Going there and then having Biden stay would only damage him further, because a bunch of allies would have said either implicitly or explicitly that he is not up to the task.
It’s truly a desperate plan and one that features many hurdles . It would almost surely require Biden’s assent to step aside — he holds almost all of the pledged delegates to August’s Democratic National Convention — and even then the process for replacing him is fraught . It’s not even clear that an alternative would render the party better off.
But it’s a prospect that the party has given some consideration, dating back to when Biden had yet to announce his reelection campaign last year. Names were floated as alternatives or even primary challengers.
So, should the party go this route, who would even make sense? Let’s recap some of the names that have been floated — along with their attributes and drawbacks.
It’s difficult to see how Harris wouldn’t be the alternative unless she, too, voluntarily steps aside. She is, after all, the vice president. And skipping over the first female and first Black vice president would be dicey for a party struggling to maintain its normally huge margins with Black voters — a major part of its base.
The problem is that Harris is about as unpopular as Biden is. Recent surveys from Monmouth University and Suffolk University have shown disapproval of her outpacing approval by 18 and 16 points , respectively. Harris’s own 2020 presidential campaign went poorly, and the party would have little faith that she would be a marked improvement over Biden.
Republicans have made little secret that they relish elevating Harris, with the Trump campaign even running an ad during Thursday’s debate pointing to the possibility that Harris would have to replace Biden as president at some point.
This is a name you’re likely to see plenty in the days ahead. The Michigan governor combines being an actually plausible alternative with looking almost ideal on paper.
She’s a female governor who hails from a crucial state (Democrats need to hold Midwestern swing states , given their problems in other swing states). She has won both of her races there by around 10 points. Polling this year has shown her approval rating in Michigan between 54 percent and 61 percent . And she’s more experienced and has more of a national profile than a lot of other rising-star Democratic governors, such as Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro and Maryland Gov. Wes Moore.
After Harris, she would quickly rise to the top.
It’s perhaps an undersold fact that the transportation secretary nearly won both the Iowa and New Hampshire presidential nominating contests back in 2020 when he was just a mayor of a midsize Midwestern city (South Bend, Ind.). And if the party is looking for the antithesis of Biden’s inability to drive a message against Trump, it’s Buttigieg. His jousting with Fox News hosts and Republicans at congressional hearings is often shared widely in Democratic circles. He’s a gifted messenger.
If there’s a big drawback with Buttigieg, it’s that he appears to be the wrong candidate to try to arrest the Democratic ticket’s apparent problem with diverse — and especially Black — voters. He got very little support from such groups in 2020.
The Pennsylvania governor is one of the more intriguing rising stars in the national Democratic Party, earning plaudits for his big 2022 win and bipartisan credentials . He’s also, like Whitmer, quite popular in a crucial state for the Democratic ticket. Even more than 3 in 10 Trump supporters there like him , according to a poll this year. It’s hard to see how that doesn’t catch Democrats’ eye.
But Shapiro has largely been regarded as an option for 2028, having been governor for just a year and a half. He’s been in statewide office for a while, having previously served as state attorney general, but it would be a rapid rise.
The Colorado governor and former congressman has some of the same bipartisan bona fides as Shapiro. The nation’s first openly gay man to be elected governor has crafted a compelling record and has largely avoided getting bogged down in potentially problematic liberal policies. He has also won big — by double digits in 2018 and nearly 20 points in 2022.
And he has clearly expressed interest in going national one day .
Perhaps nobody has surfaced more as an alternative should Biden step aside than the California governor, owing in large part to his efforts to expand his national profile by mixing it up with national Republicans and GOP governors. On that front, Newsom would seem to have some of the same attributes as Buttigieg.
But it’s difficult to see the Democratic Party deciding that the recipe right now is a California governor and former mayor of San Francisco, a city Republicans would be only so happy to run against by pointing to its crime problem. It would be basically inviting Republicans to caricature the Democratic ticket.
The Georgia senator has won a key swing state twice now in a short time. And his stock would seem to be higher than that of other Black candidates who have graced lists like this in the past, such as Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.).
Warnock’s 2022 campaign, in particular, was seen as a road map for how Democrats could run in 2024. And with Democrats struggling to keep swing states outside the Midwest in play, picking someone who hails from one of them makes a lot of sense.
This is the fantasy option for Democrats — and we mean that in more than one way. She would seem to be the ideal alternative for many, but she also seems unlikely to run.
Obama is the most popular former first lady in America, dating back to Lady Bird Johnson, according to a late-2023 YouGov poll. She has also consistently been liked by a clear majority of Americans, which we can’t say for many political figures.
But she has professed basically no interest in running in her own right; going from that to waging a presidential campaign with just a few months to go is a huge stretch. We also learned this week about reported tensions between her and the Biden campaign .
It’s truly a break-glass-in-case-of-emergency option. And the glass appears to be shatterproof.
The Minnesota senator would make the most sense if Democrats sought a candidate with many of the same attributes Biden has, minus the age problem. She is pragmatic and seemingly broadly agreeable. She has a strong electoral track record in her state.
But she still cuts a very limited national profile, and her 2020 presidential campaign didn’t gain much traction. If the name of the game is picking someone to take the fight to Trump, Minnesota Nice might not be the recipe.
Perhaps nobody’s stock has risen more in recent months. That owes to the fact that the Kentucky governor was up for reelection in 2023 and won in a very red state.
He has intriguing bipartisan appeal, and he has succeeded in his state without straying too much to the right. (We often see that Democratic governors in red states and GOP governors in blue states have to take positions that don’t comport with their national party.) He even played up his support for abortion rights during the 2023 campaign — something previously unthinkable.
He also reportedly is taking the kind of steps you would expect from someone with national ambitions . But it’s not clear how he would play with liberal base voters whom Democrats need to inject with enthusiasm.
Get the latest news on the 2024 election from our reporters on the campaign trail and in Washington.
The first presidential debate: President Biden and Donald Trump faced off in the first presidential debate of 2024. Here are takeaways and fact checks from the debate .
Key dates and events: Voters in all states and U.S. territories have been choosing their party’s nominee for president ahead of the summer conventions. Here are key dates and events on the 2024 election calendar .
Abortion and the election: Voters in about a dozen states could decide the fate of abortion rights with constitutional amendments on the ballot in a pivotal election year. Biden supports legal access to abortion , and he has encouraged Congress to pass a law that would codify abortion rights nationwide. After months of mixed signals about his position, Trump said the issue should be left to states . Here’s how Biden’s and Trump’s abortion stances have shifted over the years.
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Written by Robynn Weldon. Published on June 02, 2017. The second house in Arts & Architecture magazine's Case Study Houses program shows the hallmarks of the series: an emphasis on light-soaked ...
Case Study House No. 7 was designed in 1948 by Thornton M. Abell. It has a "three-zone living area," with space for study, activity, and relaxation/conversation; the areas can be separated by ...
Meet House #2. Completed in 1947, the second Case Study House was built to suit the everyday life and entertainment needs of a small family looking to utilize indoor and outdoor areas year-round in Arcadia, California. Exceeding the challenge, American architects Sumner Spaulding and John Rex's design for Case Study House #2 is a stunning ...
Introduction. This house built between 1945-1947 was the second in the building program of the Case Study Houses. Its 185 m2 were designed for a family of 4 people with a modern lifestyle. Like the CSH # 1, the design of this house was subjected to profound changes since its initial inception in 1945 to its final distribution and construction ...
The two-bedroom, 2,200 square foot residence is a true testament to modernist architecture and the Case Study House Program. The program was set in place by John Entenza and sponsored by the Arts ...
The Stahl House, Case Study House #22. The Case Study Houses were experiments in American residential architecture sponsored by Arts & Architecture magazine, which commissioned major architects of the day, including Richard Neutra, Raphael Soriano, Craig Ellwood, Charles and Ray Eames, Pierre Koenig, Eero Saarinen, A. Quincy Jones, Edward Killingsworth, Rodney Walker, and Ralph Rapson to ...
The Case Study House Program served as a model for post-war living, providing the public and the building industry an opportunity to access affordable, mid-century modernism and simple designs.
Completed in 1949 in Los Angeles, United States. Originally known as Case Study House No. 8, the Eames House was such a spatially pleasant modern residence that it became the home of the architects...
About this building. Case Study House nº2, designed by Sumner Spaulding, John Rex, is located at Chapman Woods, Pasadena, California, United States. It was designed in 1945 and built in 1946-1947. It has a total built-up area of 185 m2. If you want to learn more about the Case Study House nº2, don't hesitate to check the full article!
The Eames House (also known as Case Study House No. 8) is a landmark of mid-20th century modern architecture located in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles. It was designed and constructed in 1949 by husband-and-wife Charles and Ray Eames to serve as their home and studio. It was one of roughly two dozen homes.
The Stahl House (also known as Case Study House #22) is a modernist-styled house designed by architect Pierre Koenig in the Hollywood Hills section of Los Angeles, California, which is known as a frequent set location in American films.Photographic and anecdotal evidence shows that the architect's client, Buck Stahl, provided the inspiration for the overall cantilevered structure.
The first Case Study House by J. R. Davidson was an admirable and highly influential minimal house (of 1100 sq. ft.) and was reproduced as a mass-produced house. The same was true of Summer Spaulding's and John Rex's 1947 Case Study House, where a strict modular system was adhered to. By the 1950's Arts & Architecture had pretty well ...
The Eames House, also known as Case Study House No. 8, is a landmark of mid-20th century modern architecture located in the Pacific Palisades neighborhood of Los Angeles. It was designed and constructed in 1949 by husband-and-wife Charles and Ray Eames to serve as their home and studio. They lived in their home until their.
See 'Case Study House No. 2' by Sumner Spaulding and John Rex in Pasadena, CA, as it appears on Google Maps and Bing Maps as well as other celebrity homes on VirtualGlobetrotting.com.
Featured in Palm Springs Life Magazine. The case study house program was an experimental program set up by John Entenza through Arts and Architecture Magazine, that facilitated the design, construction and publishing of modern single-family homes. The goal was to highlight modern homes constructed with industrial materials and techniques that ...
1959-1960. The Case Study House Program produced some of the most iconic architectural projects of the 20th Century, but none more iconic than or as famous as the Stahl House, also known as Case Study House #22 by Pierre Koenig. The modern residence overlooks Los Angeles from the Hollywood Hills. It was completed in 1959 for Buck Stahl and ...
Probably one of the most famous and photographed Case Study Houses , the no. 22 was designed by Pierre Koenig in 1960. The Case Study house 22 was built on a promontory overlooking the city of Los Angeles and has an L-shaped plan with a structure made of steel and glass. Its minimal design, made this house one of the most iconic Case Study ...
DATE - 1949. The Eames House, Case Study House 8, was one of roughly two dozen homes built as part of The Case Study House Program. John Entenza, the editor and owner of Arts & Architecture magazine, spearheaded the program in the mid-1940s until its end in the mid-1960s. In a challenge to the architectural community, the magazine announced ...
[4] Case Study House for 1953; sometimes called #16. [5] Not published in Arts & Architecture. home • issues • case houses • about a&a • architects • contact
Case Study House No. 22, 1960. Posted on February 27, 2011 by Iconic Photos. Between 1945 and 1966, Californian magazine Arts & Architecture asked major architects of the day to design model homes. The magazine was responding to the postwar building boom with prototype modern homes that could be both easily replicated and readily affordable to ...
Located in Thousand Oaks, California Case Study House #28 was the last of the program started in 1945 by Art & Architecture magazine. What began as an experiment in American residential architecture the initial goal of the program was to create show homes of affordable, modern housing in response to the sudden increase in demand with created with the return of millions of soldiers after the ...
I love the simple modern one-story homes in The Case Study House Program, 35 modernist homes by angel f. Inspired by CSH #2, I found an original document by the architect describing the house, and created this modern house with a similar layout, but modified for the sim lifestyle. It also has the advantages of requiring no EPs or custom content.
Case Study House 8. Image via Flickr User: edward stojakovic Licensed under CC BY 2.0. Another interesting factor was the attention given to storage spaces such as cabinets, shelves, and closets ...
Maya Hawke - "Inside Out 2" - Extended Interview. The Daily Show. 9m; 06/13/2024; Watch this content. The Daily Show Tickets. Attend a Live Taping. Find out how you can see The Daily Show live and in-person as a member of the studio audience. Get Tickets Now. Best of Jon Stewart. Barack Obama Pt. 1. 11m; 07/21/2015;
The Second Amendment issue involves a statute used in a significant share of federal criminal cases. It bars guns after convictions punishable by more than a year in prison.
Unlike in Western countries, land ownership in China is overwhelmingly vested in the state, and individuals cannot directly own private lands and build houses. Therefore, developers will contract the land to the government and build it into collective apartments. Against this backdrop, a different kind of multi-story, high-density self-built residential buildings is widespread in small towns ...
The Washington case focuses on Trump's alleged efforts to overturn the 2020 election after he lost to Democrat Joe Biden. The case in Florida revolves around the mishandling of classified documents.
Biden spoke Monday following the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling that granted broad immunity from prosecution to Trump and other presidents. Biden says the public has a "right to know" Trump's role in ...
'House of the Dragon' recap: season 2, ... gone is Otto's static pose of sage and sober-minded concern, replaced by the fury of man who can no longer stomach serving someone as weak as Aegon ...
The Democratic Party has spent much of the 2024 campaign burying its head in the sand over Americans' concerns about President Biden's age and mental sharpness.