essay about social media damages self esteem 250 words

Impact of Social Media on Self Esteem

This essay about the impact of social media on self-esteem examines the complex effects of online platforms. It discusses how social media serves as a tool for connection and self-expression, providing users with a sense of community and support. However, it also highlights the darker aspects, such as the pressures of unrealistic comparisons and the quantification of social worth through likes and followers. These elements can lead to feelings of inadequacy and anxiety, particularly among younger users. The essay also addresses the issue of cyberbullying and its detrimental effects on self-esteem. It concludes with suggestions for navigating social media healthily, including developing a critical perspective on online content, valuing offline interactions, and fostering a supportive digital environment through education and policy.

How it works

In the vast and varied world of social media, where a single post can reach the eyes of thousands in an instant, we find ourselves more connected than ever before. Yet, as we scroll through feeds filled with snapshots of seemingly perfect lives, it’s easy to question where we fit into this digital tapestry. The influence of social media on self-esteem is profound and multi-dimensional, affecting everything from how we see ourselves to how we interact with the world around us.

Initially, social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter were heralded as revolutionary tools for broadening social circles and expressing oneself. For many, they have delivered on this promise. These platforms allow us to keep in touch with distant friends and family, share significant life events, and express our thoughts and creativity. For those who might feel isolated in their immediate physical surroundings, social media can offer a vital connection to like-minded communities, whether they’re gaming enthusiasts, beauty gurus, or fitness buffs. This aspect of social media can be incredibly uplifting, providing affirmation and support that might not be available offline.

Yet, this digital social sphere is also a double-edged sword. As we navigate through streams of content from others, each post can act as a mirror reflecting back not just who we are, but who we ought to be. The ‘compare and despair’ phenomenon kicks in as users subconsciously measure their own lives against the idealized images others post. This comparison is seldom fair or realistic, as social media often showcases a curated version of life—highlight reels meticulously edited and presented for public consumption. The resulting feeling? A nagging sense of inadequacy that can eat away at one’s self-esteem.

These feelings of inadequacy are often exacerbated by the quantifiable nature of validation in these virtual spaces. Success on social media is frequently measured by likes, comments, and follower counts. It’s easy to fall into the trap of equating these numbers with personal worth, turning what could be a fun, social activity into a relentless pursuit of approval. For adolescents and young adults, whose self-identity is still in flux, this can lead to a significant impact on self-esteem. They might chase an elusive image of perfection, only to find themselves more anxious and less happy.

Moreover, social media is not just a stage for passive observation but also an arena of active interaction. While many interactions are positive, these platforms are equally ripe for negative exchanges such as cyberbullying and trolling. Unlike traditional bullying, cyberbullying offers no physical escape as the digital domain is omnipresent. Harsh comments, often hidden behind the veil of anonymity, can be particularly vicious and damaging to self-esteem. What’s worse, the viral nature of social media can magnify a single negative comment or post, making it feel like the whole world is watching and judging.

So, how do we navigate this complex landscape? First, it’s crucial for users to develop a critical eye towards the content they consume on social media. Understanding that what appears online is often a polished version of reality can help mitigate feelings of inadequacy. It’s also important for us to learn to value ourselves beyond the metrics of social media. By investing in offline relationships and pursuits, we can build a sense of self-worth that is not dependent on online validation.

Moreover, parents, educators, and policymakers also play a crucial role in shaping a healthier social media environment. Educating young people about the impacts of social comparison, encouraging respectful online behavior, and providing tools to manage online interactions responsibly can help foster a more positive social media experience.

In conclusion, while social media can certainly enhance our sense of connection and community, it can also challenge our self-esteem in fundamental ways. The key lies in using these platforms mindfully and maintaining a balanced perspective. By doing so, we can enjoy the benefits of social connectivity without falling prey to its pitfalls. In a world increasingly driven by digital interactions, cultivating a strong and positive sense of self both online and offline is more important than ever.

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#influenced! The impact of social media influencing on self-esteem and the role of social comparison and resilience

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The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Social media influencers (SMIs) are online personas that acquire significant audiences on social networking sites (SNS) and have become a prevalent part of social media. Previous research indicates potentially detrimental effects of social media use on mental well-being, however, little is known about whether, how, and for whom online comparisons with SMIs lead to adverse psychological effects. In this study, we investigate the impact of positivity-biased images of female SMIs on the state self-esteem of female participants while considering social comparison processes as mediating and individual resilience as moderating factors. Regression analyses showed that acute exposure to positivity-biased SMI images led to upward social comparisons, which in turn predicted lower state self-esteem. Thus, results revealed a significant mediating effect of social comparisons on the association between image type and state self-esteem. However, when observing the direct effect of image type on state self-esteem, we found that the exposure to positivity-biased SMI images unexpectedly led to higher overall levels of state self-esteem relative to the control group. In light of contemporary social comparison literature, subsequent post-hoc analyses suggest that exposure to SMI images in this study may have prompted both contrastive and assimilative upwards comparisons, leading to varying consequences for distinct self-esteem dimensions, ultimately manifesting in the observed suppression effect. Resilience was not found to moderate the proposed associations. Thus, the findings of this study offer new insights into the impact of SMIs on individuals’ self-evaluations online, challenging previous assumptions, and suggest a need for further examination.

1. Introduction

Social media plays a central role in modern society, influencing how people access information, find entertainment and construct their identities ( Hajli, 2014 ; Herring and Kapidzic, 2015 ). Research indicates that social media use can harm psychological well-being due to online social comparisons ( Tiggeman and Zaccardo, 2015 ; Liu and Baumeister, 2016 ; Verduyn et al., 2017 ). Frequent users tend to see others as happier and more successful ( de Vries et al., 2017 ; Midgley et al., 2021 ). This perception is amplified by a social media positivity bias ( Schreurs and Vandenbosch, 2021 ), a tendency where individuals selectively present overly positive self-images online. This is particularly evident on platforms where imagery can be used to create a seemingly authentic self-image ( Bell, 2019 ). Previously, social media use has been associated with negative psychological outcomes—mediated by social comparisons—such as lower life satisfaction, increased loneliness, and body-image concerns ( Lup et al., 2015 ; Tiggeman and Zaccardo, 2015 ; Liu and Baumeister, 2016 ; Appel et al., 2020 ; Pedalino and Camerini, 2022 ). However, studies on the relationship between social media use and self-esteem show mixed results, with some finding negative ( Tiggeman and Zaccardo, 2015 ; Liu and Baumeister, 2016 ), while others note positive ( Gonzales and Hancock, 2011 ) or non-significant connections ( Liu and Baumeister, 2016 ; Appel et al., 2020 ).

2. Theoretical background and hypotheses

2.1. the mediating role of social comparisons.

Previous research underscores social comparisons’ role in mediating SNS effects on self-esteem ( Tiggeman and Zaccardo, 2015 ; Krause et al., 2021 ; Midgley et al., 2021 ). Instagram’s visual nature and editing features encourage positively biased self-presentation that can drive harmful upwards comparisons, mainly for those feeling inadequate to online ideals, often set by social media influencers (SMIs) ( Lup et al., 2015 ; Schreurs et al., 2022 ). Referred to as micro-celebrities, SMIs can perpetuate unattainable comparison standards ( Schreurs and Vandenbosch, 2021 ), fostering insecurities among viewers ( Gräve, 2017 ; Chae, 2018 ; Pedalino and Camerini, 2022 ). Initial findings link Instagram browsing to body dissatisfaction, particularly among adolescents comparing themselves to influencers ( Pedalino and Camerini, 2022 ). However, a research gap hinders understanding of the impact of social comparisons with SMIs on viewers’ self-esteem ( Verduyn et al., 2017 ; Appel et al., 2020 ).

Existing literature shows parallels in other media contexts, like lower body self-esteem linked to same-gendered models in fashion magazines ( Grogan et al., 1996 ). Moreover, social comparisons with SNS celebrities affect female adolescents’ body image and drive for thinness negatively ( Ho et al., 2016 ). Overall, studies investigating gender differences in self-esteem reveal a gender gap, with women reporting lower self-esteem across cultures and ages ( Bleidorn et al., 2016 ) and a tendency for women to engage more in negative upwards social comparisons ( Ho et al., 2016 ; Valls, 2022 ). This emphasizes women’s susceptibility to social media-induced upward comparisons. We hypothesize that exposure to positivity-biased SMI images on Instagram lowers female participants’ state self-esteem compared to neutral images of women (Hypothesis 1; Figure 1 ). We further assume that female individuals viewing SMI posts engage in upward social comparisons, leading to lower self-esteem, with upward comparisons mediating this association (Hypothesis 2, Figure 1 ).

Conceptual model of proposed associations in the present study. Image type was dummy coded (1 = SMI images, 0 = control images). Social comparison was measured using a semantic differential (SSC, Allan and Gilbert, 1995 ); lower scores on the measure reflect upward comparisons, higher scores reflect downward comparisons. Directions of associations as proposed in Hypotheses 1 to 4.

2.2. The moderating role of individual resilience

Resilience, the ability to adapt and rebound from stress and adversity aided by personal, social and situational resources ( Windle, 2011 ), is linked to self-esteem through positive emotions ( Benetti and Kambouropoulos, 2006 ). However, limited research explores individual resilience in social media settings. Bilgin and Taş (2018) found that higher resilience helps coping with negative online experiences, vital since online comparisons are tied to depressive symptoms, loneliness and negative body image (e.g., Tiggeman and Zaccardo, 2015 ; Ho et al., 2016 ; Appel et al., 2020 ). We view upward comparisons with SMIs as aversive experiences that could damage self-esteem and propose that resilience mitigates these effects. We hypothesize that greater resilience helps coping with positivity-biased SMI images, increasing self-esteem and reducing upward comparisons. Consequently, we expect resilience to moderate the link between SMI exposure and state self-esteem (Hypothesis 3) and social comparison (Hypothesis 4).

2.3. Gaps in research

Despite a rapid increase in psychological research related to social media, drawing generalizable conclusions remains challenging ( Appel et al., 2020 ). Limited experimental studies hinder establishing causality between social media use and mental well-being ( Appel et al., 2020 ). Meta-analyses by Appel et al. (2020) and Liu and Baumeister (2016) suggest small and inconclusive associations. Overlooking visually centered platforms, past studies primarily focused on Facebook use. However, images have since emerged as the most popular medium of online self-expression ( Herring and Kapidzic, 2015 ), highlighting the need to test the accuracy of previous findings in these social networking environments ( Verduyn et al., 2017 ). This study addresses these gaps, investigating associations between state self-esteem, social comparisons, and resilience after exposure to SMI images on Instagram, using an experimental design.

3.1. Participants

We recruited 245 university students, who identified as female. After excluding 14 participants for attention check failure or incomplete surveys, the final sample consisted of 231 participants aged 18 to 35 years ( M age  = 23.17, SD  = 3.18).

3.2. Design

This experimental study used a between-subjects design, varying the independent variable image type (SMI vs. control images). Self-esteem and social comparison were main dependent variables, with the latter entered as a mediator. Resilience was tested as a moderator for the relationships between image type, self-esteem and social comparison.

3.3. Materials

Participants randomly viewed one of two distinct sets of images, each containing 15 images of women. For both groups, images were presented one below the other to simulate the direction of scrolling in an Instagram feed. Participants in the SMI group viewed 15 images of female influencers, priorly selected based on two open access surveys listing the most-followed German influencers on Instagram in 2019 ( InfluencerDB, 2020a , b ). The images were selected based on the depiction of staged situations in which the influencer posed by angling their face or body toward the camera. Five images featured designer brand items, five others exhibited exotic vacation locations, and five images highlighted the influencer’s physical appearance (e.g., selfie). Each profile name was displayed underneath its designated image. The control image set contained 15 film photographs of women, provided by photographer Giulia Thinnes ( https://www.giuliathinnes.com ). The images were chosen due to their authentic portrayal of women in offline environments without positivity-biased features. The control image set matched the SMI images in terms of color scheme, the position (e.g., sitting, standing) and perspective on the displayed individuals. Five images displayed the women holding an object (e.g., book, bicycle), five displayed nature in the background (e.g., field, garden) and five more images showed a neutral background (e.g., wall). The photographer’s name was displayed underneath each image.

3.4. Measurements

3.4.1. state self-esteem.

State self-esteem was measured using a German translation of the State Self-Esteem Scale (SSES; Heatherton and Polivy, 1991 ). It consists of 20 items assessing short-lived changes in self-esteem using three subscales (i.e., performance-, social-, and appearance- related self-esteem) on a 5-point Likert scale (1 =  does not apply at all to 5 =  applies completely ). Higher scores on the SSES indicate higher self-esteem (Cronbach’s α = 0.87).

3.4.2. Social comparison

Social comparison was measured using a German translation of the Social Comparison Scale (SCS; Allan and Gilbert, 1995 ), which assesses self-perception of social rank, perceived attractiveness, and relative social standing in relation to others ( Allan and Gilbert, 1995 ) 1 . This measure was specifically selected due to its capacity to capture state social comparisons and temporary self-evaluations. The SCS measures social comparison in eleven items using a 5-point semantic differential methodology with two bipolar self-descriptive adjectives each (Cronbach’s α = 0.77). Participants were instructed to rate themselves relative to the women in the images they had previously viewed. Lower scores on the SCS reflect feelings of inferiority and low rank self-perception in relation to comparison targets, indicating upwards social comparisons, whereas higher scores indicate feelings of superiority and high rank self-perception, suggesting downwards social comparisons. The middle score (3) represents a neutral self-perception in comparison.

3.4.3. Resilience

Individual resilience was measured using the German Resilience Scale for Adults by Kaiser et al. (2019) . The scale assesses resilience according to the current research consensus, conceptualizing resilience as a multilevel construct of protective factors such as personal competencies, support structures and situational factors that determine the temporary ability of coping with stressors and aversive experiences ( Windle, 2011 Leipold, 2015 ). The scale uses a 7-point semantic differential with opposite response alternatives in 33 items and six subscales corresponding to the key dimensions of individual resilience: perception of self (PS), planned future (PF), social competence (SC), structured style (SS), family cohesion (FC) and social resources (SR). To assess the multilevel nature of resilience, all subscales (except for one) were included in the present study. However, the subscales were shortened to reduce participant burden. Respectively, items with item-total-correlation coefficients greater or equal r it  = 0.50 ( Döring and Bortz, 2016 ), were selected from the PS (Items 19, 25, 29), PF (Items 8, 14, 20), FC (Items 10, 16, 27), SR (Items 05, 28, 32), and SC (Items 15, 21) subscales. Items from the SS subscale were not included due to not meeting the item-total-correlation threshold in accordance with recommendation of the scale’s authors ( Kaiser et al., 2019 ). Therefore, participants in the present study answered 14 items from five subscales of the German RSA (Cronbach’s α = 0.80).

3.4.4. Analytical procedure

All analyses were conducted using SPSS Version 29.0. The relationships between image type, social comparison, and state self-esteem were tested in a simple mediation model (Model 4) using Hayes’ SPSS PROCESS macro ( Hayes, 2022 ; IBM Corp, 2022 ) and the proposed moderating effects of resilience were tested in a moderated mediation model (Model 8) using the same macro.

4.1. Descriptive statistics

Means, standard deviations and Pearson’s correlations on all study variables are displayed in Table 1 . Skewness and kurtosis values of the dependent variables were calculated and a normal distribution of the data could be assumed ( Table 1 ). An independent samples t -test showed no age differences, t (229) = −1.24, p  = 0.22, between the groups. Unexpectedly, image type and state self-esteem correlated positively, and participants in the SMI group (dummy variable 1) reported slightly higher state self-esteem ( M  = 3.36, SD  = 0.57) than participants in the control group (dummy variable 0; M  = 3.23, SD  = 0.57), t (229) = −1.8, p  = 0.04. However, image type and social comparison correlated negatively, indicating an upwards comparison tendency for the SMI group ( M  = 2.81, SD  = 0.54), whereas participants in the control group reported a more neutral position ( M  = 3.06, SD  = 0.39), t (229) = 4.10, p  < 0.001. Social comparison and state self-esteem correlated positively, suggesting that individuals engaging in downwards comparisons also reported higher state self-esteem. Resilience also correlated positively with state self-esteem and social comparison, suggesting that individuals with higher resilience also reported higher state self-esteem as well as a downwards comparison tendency. As expected, the correlation between image type and resilience was non-significant ( p  = 0.12).

Pearson product–moment correlation coefficients between the independent variable and the dependent variables and variable distributions.

N  = 231. The predictor variable was image type, the outcome variables were state self-esteem, social comparison, and resilience. Image type was dummy coded (1 = SMI images, 0 = control images).

* p  < 0.05, ** p  < 0.001.

4.2. Mediating effect of social comparison

A simple mediation model was performed to test whether SMI images would predict lower state self-esteem (H1) and whether upwards social comparisons would mediate this association (H2; Table 2 ). Age was entered as a control variable. The preconditions for regression analysis were met ( Field, 2018 ; Hayes, 2022 ) and bootstrapping ( n  = 5,000) was used to determine 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals (95% BCa CI ). The total effect of image type on state self-esteem was non-significant ( p  = 0.09) indicating that the exposure to SMI images did not predict lower state self-esteem in an overall association when direct and indirect effects were considered. Thus, Hypothesis 1 was not supported by the results. The indirect effect of image type on state self-esteem via social comparison was negative (standardized indirect effect = −0.35, SE = 0.09, 95% BCa CI : [−0.55, −0.18]) indicating that social comparison mediated the relationship between image type and state self-esteem. Results showed that participants in the SMI group engaged more in upwards comparisons, which in turn related to lower state self-esteem, thus supporting Hypothesis 2. However, the direct effect of image type on state self-esteem was unexpectedly positive (β = 0.58, SE = 0.06, 95% BCa CI [0.21; 0.46]), opposing the observed indirect effect. This pattern of results suggests the occurrence of a suppression effect ( MacKinnon et al., 2000 ), which was probed in a subsequent post-hoc analysis.

Results from the mediation analysis.

N  = 231. The predictor variable was image type, social comparison was the mediating and state self-esteem the outcome variable. Mediation analysis was conducted using PROCESS Model 4. Image type was dummy coded (1 = SMI images, 0 = control images). Bootstrapping was used for the 95% BCa CIs ( n  = 5,000).* p  < 0.05, ** p  < 0.001.

4.3. Post-hoc analysis of the suppression effect

To probe the role of social comparison in the observed suppression effect, we conducted a comparative assessment of regression coefficients and significance levels both prior to and following its inclusion in a regression model. Interestingly, the relationship between image type and self-esteem initially reflected in a linear regression model (b = 0.12, SE = 0.08, p  = 0.08) exhibited heightened magnitude and significance upon inclusion of social comparison in a multiple linear regression model (b = 0.29, SE = 0.06, p  < 0.001; MacKinnon et al., 2000 ). This substantiates the role of social comparison as a possible suppressor variable in this study. To furthermore shed a light on the inconsistency in self-esteem levels across the direct and indirect effects, we analyzed correlations between the different self-esteem subscales and relevant study variables. Social ( r  = 0.12, p  = 0.04) and performance-related ( r  = 0.17, p  = 0.005) self-esteem showed weak positive relationships with image type in an overall association, indicating higher self-esteem among those exposed to SMI images. In contrast, appearance-related self-esteem had a non-significant association with image type ( r  = 0.003, p  = 0.51). Appearance-related self-esteem correlated positively with social comparison ( r  = 0.54, p  < 0.001), indicating a direct link between upwards comparisons and lower appearance self-esteem. Social ( r  = 0.32, p  < 0.001) and performance-related ( r  = 0.21, p  < 0.001) self-esteem also correlated positively with social comparison.

4.4. Moderated mediation effects

To examine whether resilience moderated the associations between image type and social comparison (H3) as well as image type and state self-esteem (H4), a moderated mediation model was estimated. Age was entered as a control variable. Results ( Table 3 ) showed statistically non-significant interactions between image type and resilience for both dependent variables social comparison and state self-esteem. Moreover, the index of moderated mediation was non-significant (index: β = 0.05, 95% BCa CI : [−0.09, 0.18]). Thus, Hypotheses 3 and 4 were not supported by the results in this study.

Results from the moderated meditation analysis.

N  = 231. Moderated mediation analysis was conducted using PROCESS Model 8. Image type was dummy coded (1 = SMI images, 0 = control images). Bootstrapping was used for the 95% BCa CIs ( n  = 5,000). * p  < 0.05, ** p  < 0.001.

5. Discussion

5.1. the mediating role of social comparison.

Using a simple mediation model, we examined the effects of image type on state self-esteem via social comparison. As hypothesized, social comparison mediated the relationship between image type and state self-esteem. Exposure to SMI images predicted upward comparisons, leading to lower self-esteem. Interestingly, the direct effect contradicted this, revealing a positive relationship between exposure to SMI images and self-esteem. This inconsistent mediation model may seem counterintuitive, but contemporary social comparison research provides insights for interpretation. Central to this discussion is Collins’ Upwards Assimilation Theory (2000) , which suggests that individuals who compare themselves to “better-off” others, tend to seek similarities. According to Collins (2000) , perceiving to share attributes with a “superior” comparison target can trigger upwards assimilations and subsequently elevate self-worth of the comparing individual. In our study, both participant groups shared notable attributes, like age, gender and nationality, with their comparison targets. However, as hypothesized (Hypothesis 1), only the SMI group viewed their targets as “superior” across various factors, while the control group showed neutral comparisons without a clear indication of either upward or downward direction. In this context, the heightened self-esteem observed in our study can be attributed to upwards assimilation, driven by the impression that participants share attributes with the presented SMIs, whom they viewed as “superior” in various dimensions. Conversely, the absence of upward assimilation among the control group may explain their comparatively lower self-esteem scores. This suggests that the SMI group’s engagement in upwards comparisons fostered assimilative tendencies, temporarily boosting self-esteem.

Further analyses of self-esteem subscales provided valuable insights. Social and performance-related self-esteem correlated positively with image type in an overall association, whereas appearance-related self-esteem showed no significant association. This suggests that the positive direct effect in our study might be driven particularly by social and performance-related self-esteem dimensions. Conversely, upwards comparisons were directly linked to lower appearance self-esteem. As the correlations for social and performance-related self-esteem in this relationship were weaker, it seems that appearance-related self-esteem subscale played a prominent role in determining the negative indirect effect.

An alternative explanation can be drawn from a recent article by Kim et al. (2021) , suggesting that emotional contagion, where individuals mirror emotions from Instagram posts, can precede social comparison ( Choi and Kim, 2021 ). According to them, browsing “positive” images on social media can boost positive affect and enhance life satisfaction through emotional contagion. They also suggest that both, contrastive social comparison and emotional contagion, can occur when individuals view positive and upwards comparison-inducing imagery. This perspective could elucidate why SMI images affected self-esteem differently in our mediation model. Positively-biased SMI images might have induced positive affect through emotional contagion, leading to higher self-esteem in social and performance-related dimensions. Nevertheless, participant still engaged in contrastive upwards social comparisons regarding appearance, resulting in lower self-esteem scores in that aspect. Kim et al. (2021) further emphasizes the significance of emotions in online social comparison processes and find similar opposing effects on self-esteem. They discovered that negative emotions (envy and depression) mediated the link between SNS addiction and lower self-esteem, whereas positive emotions (contentment) mediated the relationship between SNS addiction and higher self-esteem. This underscores the need for further research to explore affective responses after self-comparisons with SMIs and their potential impact on self-esteem dimensions.

Expanding on Festinger’s (1954) work, recent social comparison research emphasize that individuals evaluate others not only along vertical dimensions of comparison (e.g., status, agency), but also along horizontal dimensions, considering factors like solidarity or communion ( Locke, 2005 ). This framework suggests that the SMI and control images in our study, might have prompted comparisons along distinct dimensions, potentially contributing to the unexpected results. Horizontal and vertical comparisons have distinct predictors, guiding individuals to evaluate attributes as better or worse (vertical) or as similar or different (horizontal) to themselves ( Locke, 2005 ). Unfortunately, our social comparison measure could not differentiate these dimensions, limiting result interpretation. However, it’s plausible that the images presented to the SMI group, rich in agentic attributes and status-related symbols (e.g., designer items), primed vertical comparisons. In contrast, the control group’s images, lacking these attributes, conveyed a larger sense of relatability and similarity, facilitating horizontal comparisons ( Locke, 2005 ).

Considering the various theoretical frameworks discussed, we conclude that exposure to SMI images impacted distinct self-esteem dimensions differently. This could be attributed to various social comparison mechanisms, including contrasting and assimilative upwards comparisons as well as emotional contagion processes and affective responses. Participants potentially simultaneously engaged in contrastive upwards comparisons with SMIs, associated with lower appearance-related self-esteem, leading to a negative indirect effect but also assimilative upwards comparisons or emotional contagion processes, which seemed to have linked SMI images with higher social and performance-related self-esteem in a direct relationship.

Our study highlights the complex nature of online social comparison processes, demonstrating that the relationship between viewing SMI images on Instagram, social comparison and self-esteem is more intricate than expected. Our results support the idea that SMIs are a potent source of self-evaluative information, capable of evoking upward comparisons, which were previously considered as harmful. Our results align with contemporary research, highlighting the ambivalent consequences of online comparisons on self-esteem. On one hand, we provide evidence that exposure SMIs’ positive self-presentation on Instagram may not necessarily ruin viewers’ self-evaluations and self-esteem, contrary to prior research. Instead, our study shows that such images may even temporarily boost self-esteem, possibly through upward assimilation or emotional contagion processes. However, it is important to acknowledge that these upward comparison processes may also have negative consequences on individuals’ self-esteem regarding physical appearance.

5.2. The moderating role of resilience

Previous studies have linked upward social comparison in SNS environments to negative psychological outcomes, but few have explored protective factors ( Verduyn et al., 2017 ). In our investigation, we examined resilience as a potential moderator in social media contexts regarding exposure to SMI content, social comparison, and state self-esteem. Although our preliminary analyses indicated positive correlations between individual resilience, social comparison, and state self-esteem, it did not emerge as a moderator. This implies that resilience may be more closely associated to an individual’s general disposition toward social comparison and self-esteem, rather than explicitly moderating these variables in social media. Considering the complex dynamics of social media interactions in our study, other moderators like self-concept could have a stronger impact on responses to SMI content ( Carter and Vartanian, 2022 ). Carter and Vartanian (2022) highlight the role of self-concept clarity in moderating the connection between exposure to thin-ideal images and body dissatisfaction through appearance-social comparison, suggesting that individuals with a less defined self-concept tend to engage in social comparisons to understand their societal role. Future research should explore if other moderators can explain the effects of positively-biased SMI images.

5.3. Limitations and implications

One major limitation of this study is the small sample size, potentially impacting statistical power and limiting the detection of significant effects in the moderated mediation analysis of resilience. A larger sample size would enable a deeper investigation of the suppression effect and enhance the detection of both direct and indirect effects. Furthermore, the sample only included female students, justified by research indicating gender differences in social media impacts. While our findings provide insights into women’s experiences, their generalizability to other genders remains limited. Future studies should employ a more diverse sample of various demographic and socioeconomic groups. It’s worth noting that our experimental manipulation of image type through a questionnaire may not fully replicate the experience of scrolling through Instagram, lacking crucial features like access to comments. As users spend more time on social media ( DataReportal, 2022 ), the observed effects might be more pronounced in the real app usage. Another limitation lies in our use of the Allan and Gilbert (1995) scale for social comparison, which conflates comparison direction with comparison frequency due to its semantic differential scale and item wording. Moreover, the scale mixes items related to both vertical and horizontal dimensions, complicating result interpretation. Given its publication year, like the self-esteem measure, it lacks validation for online settings, raising concerns about reliability and validity. Future studies should prioritize developing suitable measures for assessing social comparison in social media contexts. Lastly, our study exclusively featured SMI profiles with large audiences and similar content types. Prior research suggests that SMIs with smaller audiences are perceived as more authentic and less relatable as their popularity grows ( Ruiz-Gómez, 2019 ). Future studies should incorporate SMIs with varying audience size to explore their impact on perceived similarity and identification levels.

6. Conclusion

In conclusion, this study offers new insights into the impact of social media on psychological well-being by investigating the relationships between exposure to positivity-biased images of SMIs, social comparison, state self-esteem, and resilience. Our findings revealed a more complex web of relationships than expected, highlighting both potential risks and unexpected self-esteem benefits. We uncovered a suppression effect, possibly due to simultaneous contrastive/assimilative comparisons and emotional contagion mechanisms, with distinct effects on self-esteem dimensions. Although individual resilience correlated with higher state self-esteem and positive self-evaluation in social comparison, it did not moderate the influence of SMI images on psychological outcomes. Our findings underscore the importance of promoting digital literacy and emotional well-being in a society deeply affected by social media, guiding individuals in mindful online interactions. This study aligns with recent research challenging the notion that social media and influencers inherently harm mental well-being, emphasizing the necessity for future research into the intricate interplay of psychological variables within social media environments.

Data availability statement

Ethics statement.

The present study was conducted in full accordance with the Ethical Guidelines of the German Association of Psychologists and the American Psychological Association. Ethical approval was not required for this study at the respective university. However, the framework of this study was ethically approved and exclusively makes use of anonymous questionnaires. We had no reasons to assume that our survey would induce persistent negative psychological states in the participants.

Author contributions

All authors developed the study concept and contributed to the study design. LR collected and analyzed the data and wrote the manuscript draft. JJ and TM supervised the study and revised the manuscript draft. All authors approved the final version to be published and agree to take responsibility and be held accountable for the integrity of the data and accuracy of the data analysis.

Funding Statement

The publication of this article was funded by the University of Mannheim.

1 We chose not to measure actual body weight because research (e.g., Ali et al., 2010 ) suggests a strongly negative and significant relationship between self-perceived weight status and mental health, whereas there is no clear connection between actual weight status and mental health outcomes.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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How social media can crush your  self-esteem

Candidate au doctorat en psychologie, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM)

Disclosure statement

Sabrina Laplante does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation CA-FR.

Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) provides funding as a member of The Conversation CA.

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We all have a natural tendency to compare ourselves to others, whether intentionally or not, online or offline. Such comparisons help us evaluate our own achievements , skills, personality and our emotions. This, in turn, influences how we see ourselves.

But what impact do these comparisons have on our well-being? It depends on how much comparing we do.

Comparing ourselves on social media to people who are worse off than we are makes us feel better . Comparing ourselves to people who are doing better than us, however, makes us feel inferior or inadequate instead . The social media platform we choose also affects our morale, as do crisis situations like the COVID-19 pandemic.

As a PhD student in psychology, I am studying incels — men who perceive the rejection of women as the cause of their involuntary celibacy. I believe that social comparison, which plays as much a role in these marginal groups as it does in the general population, affects our general well-being in the age of social media.

An optimal level of comparison

The degree of social comparison that individuals carry out is thought to affect the degree of motivation they have. According to a study by researchers at Ruhr University in Bochum, Germany, there is an optimal level of perceived difference between the self and others that maximizes the effects of social comparison.

Specifically, if we see ourselves as vastly superior to others, we will not be motivated to improve because we already feel that we are in a good position. Yet, if we perceive ourselves as very inferior, we will not be motivated to improve since the goal seems too difficult to achieve.

In other words, the researchers note, beyond or below the optimal level of perceived difference between oneself and another, a person no longer makes any effort. By perceiving oneself as inferior, the individual will experience negative emotions, guilt and lowered pride and self-esteem.

Unrealistic comparisons on social media

Social comparisons therefore have consequences both for our behaviour and for our psychological well-being. However, comparing yourself to others at a restaurant dinner does not necessarily have the same effect as comparing yourself to others on Facebook. It is easier to invent an exciting existence or embellish certain aspects of things on a social media platform than it is in real life .

The advent of social media, which allows us to share content where we always appear in our best light, has led many researchers to consider the possibility that this amplifies unrealistic comparisons.

Research shows that the more time people spend on Facebook and Instagram, the more they compare themselves socially. This social comparison is linked, among other things, to lower self-esteem and higher social anxiety.

A study conducted by researchers at the National University of Singapore explains these results by the fact that people generally present positive information about themselves on social media. They can also enhance their appearance by using filters, which create the impression that there is a big difference between themselves and others.

In turn, researchers working at Facebook observed that the more people looked at content where people were sharing positive aspects of their lives on the platform, the more likely they were to compare themselves to others .

COVID-19: Less negative social comparison

However, could the effect of this comparison in a particularly stressful context like the COVID-19 pandemic be different?

A study from researchers at Kore University in Enna, Italy, showed that before lockdowns, high levels of online social comparison were associated with greater distress, loneliness and a less satisfying life. But this was no longer the case during lockdowns .

One reason for this would be that by comparing themselves to others during the lockdown, people felt they were sharing the same difficult experience. That reduced the negative impact of social comparisons. So, comparing oneself to others online during difficult times can be a positive force for improving relationships and sharing feelings of fear and uncertainty.

A different effect depending on the social media

There are distinctions to be made depending on which social media platform a person is using. Researchers at the University of Lorraine, France, consider that social media platforms should not be all lumped together .

For example, the use of Facebook and Instagram is associated with lower well-being, while Twitter is associated with more positive emotions and higher life satisfaction. One possible explanation: Facebook and Instagram are known to be places for positive self-presentation, unlike Twitter, where it is more appropriate to share one’s real opinions and emotions.

Trying to get social support on social media during the COVID-19 pandemic may reactivate negative emotions instead of releasing them, depending on which social media platform a person is using.

Many things motivate us to compare ourselves socially. Whether we like it or not, social media exposes us to more of those motivations. Depending on the type of content that is being shared, whether it is positive or negative, we tend to refer to it when we are self-evaluating. Sharing content that makes us feel good about ourselves and garners praise from others is nice, but you have to consider the effect of these posts on others.

Yet overall, I believe that sharing your difficulties in words, pictures or videos can still have positive effects and bring psychological benefits.

This article was originally published in French

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New Analysis: Social Media Use Is Harmful to Self-Esteem

A review of 120-plus studies suggests social media causes more harm than good..

Posted November 30, 2019 | Reviewed by Gary Drevitch

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There has been a vigorous debate about whether social media use is psychologically harmful. Some studies find it to be relatively innocuous. Others suggest it can be severely damaging. Still others argue that it depends on the way people use the platforms.

New research in the journal Personality and Individual Differences adds some much-needed perspective to this ongoing debate. Specifically, a team of researchers led by Alyssa Saiphoo of Ryerson University in Toronto analyzed the cumulative results of 121 studies to see if they could come to a consensus regarding the relationship between social media use and self-esteem .

Their results suggest that social media use likely causes more harm than good.

"The popularity of social networking sites has prompted researchers to investigate the relationship between social networking site use and various psychological variables, one being self-esteem," state Saiphoo and her team. "There is a large literature, theoretical and empirical, supporting a relationship between these two variables; however, the conclusions are mixed. [...] Overall, we found a small, significant, negative relationship between social network site use and self-esteem, suggesting that higher levels of social network site use are associated with lower levels of self-esteem."

To arrive at this conclusion, Saiphoo and her team gathered the studies published on social media use and self-esteem over the past two decades. This amounted to 121 studies and 91,462 participant observations. The researchers then computed the average correlation between self-esteem and social media use across all 121 studies. They found this value to be negative ( r = -0.08), meaning that higher social media use was associated with lower self-esteem.

The researchers speculate that this has to do with a few different factors. First, they suggest that people who use social networking sites might be doing so at the expense of their in-person relationships. In other words, people are trading strong and supportive real-life relationships for more tenuous virtual relationships. The researchers also suggest that people with lower self-esteem may be drawn to social media use to avoid uncomfortable and awkward real-life experiences. They write:

"Individuals with lower self-esteem may develop more online relationships because they tend to be more sensitive to interpersonal relations and more dependent on others for approval. This may be related to feelings of awkwardness in face-to-face social situations, and thus, communicating online via social networking sites might be an effective way of socializing for them."

Further, people with low self-esteem may be more likely to use social media sites in problematic ways—for instance, overusing social media sites or engaging in negative social comparisons.

A few other interesting findings emerged: Of the four regions measured (Asia, Australia, North America, and Europe), the researchers found the negative relationship between social media use and self-esteem to be strongest in Australia and weakest in North America. They also found that people who used multiple social networks were worse off than people who used only Facebook. And, not surprisingly, people who exhibited problematic social media use exhibited the lowest self-esteem of all the groups measured.

The researchers don't expect the story to end here. In fact, they believe there are benefits to using social networking sites that haven't yet been adequately addressed. They write, "While our effect size was significant and consistent with existing theories on social networking site use and self-esteem, the obtained effect was still small, suggesting that this relationship is not a particularly strong one. Because of this, it's important to consider the alternative hypothesis—that increased use of social networking sites might be associated with higher self-esteem. [...] These results highlight a need for further, more nuanced investigations of social networking site use, particularly, of positive social networking site use."

Saiphoo, A. N., Halevi, L. D., & Vahedi, Z. (2020). Social networking site use and self-esteem: A meta-analytic review. Personality and Individual Differences, 153, 109639.

Mark Travers, Ph.D., is an American psychologist with degrees from Cornell University and the University of Colorado Boulder.

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Social Media’s Impact on Self-Esteem

Whether loved or loathed, social media is now an integral part of the communication landscape of contemporary life. As an internet-based communication avenue, social media has earned immense recognition and popularity in the last two decades. The power of this interactive technology has left long-term effects on users. People express varied views and perspectives of these effects. While some tout social media as a digital solution to curb loneliness, significant research efforts and media accounts have confirmed that it undeniably has the opposite impact, especially damaging people’s self-esteem.

There is no doubt that Facebook and other social media platforms have brought substantial benefits to people in modern society. For instance, they allow people to interact effortlessly, have seamless conversations, share content, information, and ideas promptly, communicate electronically, broaden professional knowledge, and create and maintain social connections (Caron & Light, 2015; Luttrell, 2018). However, the impact of these interactive communication technologies on other social life domains such as self-esteem cannot go unnoticed. Researchers have not fully established a direct causative association between social media use and mental health. Even so, the augmented rates of depression, self-victimizations, anxiety, and other mental health issues among young people spending large amounts of time in social networking are outright indications of the damaging effects of social media on these individuals’ self-esteem.

Essentially, scholars have found evidence to affirm a direct causative relationship between social media and low self-esteem. For instance, Bergagna and Tartaglia (2018) empirically explored the relationship between the amount of time people spend on Facebook and self-esteem and found positive correlations. Other research findings by Jan, Soomro, and Ahmad (2017) indicate that augmented social media usage diminishes people’s self-esteem. Using in-depth interviews with women and men aged between 28 and 73, Silva (2017) statistically found out that 60% of active social media users reported that it has damagingly impacted their self-esteem. A more recent study by Jiang and Ngien (2020) corroborated these earlier findings by affirming that spending more time on Instagram and other social media increases predispositions to low self-esteem. The diminished self-esteem culminates in social anxiety, self-victimization, and blaming others. All these research findings are sufficient proof that using Facebook and other social media has detrimental ramifications for people’s self-esteem.

The mechanisms of how Facebook and other social media affect people’s self-esteem adversely are evident. The bedrock of these mechanisms is social comparisons. Scholars and media specialists have demonstrated consensuses that the more time people spend on Instagram, Facebook, and other social media, the more likely they compare themselves socially. In their study, Bergagna and Tartaglia (2018) established that tendencies towards social comparisons directly mediate relationships between self-esteem and the intensity of Facebook usage. Jan, Soomro, and Ahmad (2017) verified that 88% of people using Facebook engross themselves with social comparisons. Statistically, 98% of them are mostly upward social comparisons. The upward comparisons that people make on Facebook and other social networking platforms drive them towards negative self-evaluations that lower their self-esteem.

Laplante (2022) observes that social media usage amplifies unrealistic online social comparisons among users, culminating in diminished self-esteem and augmented social anxiety. This author adds that these social comparisons can be avenues by which people use what others broadcast online to evaluate their skills, achievements, emotions, and personalities. Similarly, Jiang and Ngien (2020) recently observed that a higher intensity of Facebook and social media usage increases tendencies to engage in social comparisons. Consequently, the extrinsic social approval of the self that people derive from comparing themselves with others on social media drives them to low self-esteem characterized by increased social anxiety. From another outlook, Silva (2017) suggests that social networking only broadcasts positive aspects of people’s lives or what the author dubs the highlight reels. When people get these highlight reels and compare their lives against them, the natural reaction will entail reinforcing poor perceptions of their self-images and self-worth. Besides triggering these perceptions, such social comparisons against other individuals’ highlight reels can stimulate depression, anxiety, and psychotic disorders (Jan, Soomro, & Ahmad, 2017; Silva, 2017). Ultimately, such negative self-evaluations and self-disapprovals and the related underlying psychological distress can breed low self-esteem.

In summary, social media use has ramifications for people’s self-esteem. Users of Facebook, Instagram, and other social networking sites tend to make social comparisons of themselves to others. When doing so, users fail to realize that people portray only positive aspects of their lives, creating the illusion that they are doing better than the users. By triggering comparison with others, social media raises users’ doubts about their self-worth and self-images. These negative self-evaluations are some core causes of low self-esteem.

Stereotypes: Sources and Resistance to Change

Discourses about stereotypes are nothing new in mainstream media and research contexts. Stereotypes have persisted for years in the domains of diversity characteristics such as age, gender, ethnicity, race, and sexual orientation. Stereotypes can be positive in that they uphold positive attributions to certain groups. However, they are habitually negative, evinced by characterizations and generalizations that belittle certain target groups. Irrespective of the nature of stereotypes, two interesting questions worth considering relate to the genesis of stereotypes and why they persist or are resistant to change. Responses to these questions are certainly debatable, revealing interesting thoughts about where stereotypes come from and factors underlying their endurance.

Some researchers and media participants have attempted to examine the origins of stereotypes and rendered intriguing findings. For instance, Brink and Nel (2015) investigated the origins, conceptualizations, and definitions of stereotypes within a South African workplace context. When discussing the genesis of stereotypes, these scholars identified multiple epistemological stances elucidating the sources of stereotypes. The first standpoint is that stereotypes can originate from the globalization of mainstream media. Advertisements, movies, and television shows covered in mass media contain an overflow of stereotypes, thus serving as one principal source of stereotypes learnable by people (Brink & Nel, 2015). In many cases, these elements of the media propagate stereotypical images and representations as a daily occurrence. The outcome is prejudice and discrimination towards out-groups, which stimulate emotional and often negative feelings against such groups.

While Brink and Nel (2015) admit that mainstream media is a source of stereotypes, they are keen to acknowledge that contemporary media do not create stereotyping directly. As per these authors, the media play a facilitative role in generating and maintaining stereotypes. This observation could imply that stereotypes do not have a definite source, but rather they emerge as outcomes of a recycling mechanism. Robertson (2020) recently alluded to this notion of recycled stereotypes by affirming that new stereotypes are seldom created. Rather, stereotypes usually become assimilated into society, and subordinate groups recycle or reuse them to describe newly formed subordinate groups.

The second epistemological standpoint regarding the genesis of stereotypes presented by Brink and Nel (2015) is the concept of attribute assignment through learning. Here, individuals in different settings assign traits indirectly learned or acquired from influential agents to certain groups and individuals, leading to stereotyping. For example, parents, who are influential and principal sources of information, can teach and reinforce stereotypical notions and beliefs to their children. These children assign such attributes to certain groups of schoolmates. Thirdly, Brink and Nel (2015) ascribe the genesis of stereotypes to the social learning theory. As per this theory, people learn to stereotype out-groups based on their direct experiences with specific groups or learning from influential members. If not reprimanded for stereotyping out-groups, these persons continue to engage in stereotyping until it becomes a reinforced practice. Eagly, a Northwestern University professor of psychology, uses the social role theory to provide a similar account. She suggests that occupational roles in everyday life can reinforce gender-based stereotyping (Eagly, 2015). Other sources of stereotypes include discrepancies in social role distribution among men and women and historical attributions associated with institutions such as slavery (Hentschel, Heilman, &, Peus, 2019; Taylor et al., 2019). So, stereotypes have many origins.

Three arguments suffice as justifications for why stereotypes are so resistant to change. Firstly, stereotypes persist because those engaging in stereotyping never experience its negative consequences directly and indirectly. Targets of stereotypes are the ones who feel the direct impact of indignities emanating from assumptions about one’s superficial attributes, the associated prejudice and discrimination, and the threat of being confirmed a stereotype (Boso, 2017). Secondly, stereotypes are resistant to change because of perceivers’ information-processing advantage. Rosennab (2019) argues that the human brain is preprogrammed to categorize and confirm one’s understanding of the world for survival. With this preprogramming, people find someone fitting a particular stereotype and confirm the stereotype, making it become deeply entrenched in their minds. Lastly, stereotypes persist because mainstream media reinforces them, Brink and Nel (2015) suggest. As people continue to watch television, movies, ads, and games that propagate stereotyping on mass media, they become accustomed to stereotyping as a social norm. Consequently, doing away with stereotypes and the associated prejudice and discrimination becomes difficult. Ultimately, stereotypes prevail, breeding more social injustices.

In a nutshell, stereotypes come from media globalization, effects of recycling assimilated typecasts, social learning, attribute assignment, and discrepant role distributions. Once they emerge, stereotypes are resistant to change because of brain preprogramming and media reinforcement. Perceivers also propagate stereotypes because they do not feel the consequences intrinsically.

Bergagna, E., & Tartaglia, S. (2018). Self-esteem, social comparison, and Facebook use.  Europe’s Journal of Psychology ,  14 (4), 831. Doi: 10.5964/ejop.v14i4.1592.

Boso, L. A. (2017). Dignity, inequality, and stereotypes.  Washington Law Review, 92  (3), 1119-1183.

Brink, L., & Nel, J. A. (2015). Exploring the meaning and origin of stereotypes amongst South African employees.  SA Journal of Industrial Psychology ,  41 (1), 1-13. Doi: 10.4102/sajip.v41i1.1234.

Caron, J., & Light, J. (2015). “My world has expanded even though I’m stuck at home”: Experiences of individuals with amyotrophic lateral sclerosis who use augmentative and alternative communication and social media.  American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology ,  24 (4), 680-695. Doi: 10.1044/2015_AJSLP-15-0010.

Eagly, A. (2015).  How do stereotypes form and can they be altered? . Institute of Policy Research (IPR). https://www.ipr.northwestern.edu/news/2015/eagly-stereotypes-social-role-theory.html.

Hentschel, T., Heilman, M. E., & Peus, C. V. (2019). The multiple dimensions of gender stereotypes: A current look at men’s and women’s characterizations of others and themselves.  Frontiers in psychology ,  10 , 11. Doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00011.

Jan, M., Soomro, S., & Ahmad, N. (2017). Impact of social media on self-esteem.  European Scientific Journal ,  13 (23), 329-341. Doi: 10.19044/esj.2017.v13n23p329.

Jiang, S., & Ngien, A. (2020). The effects of Instagram use, social comparison, and self-esteem on social anxiety: A survey study in Singapore.  Social Media+ Society ,  6 (2), 1-10. Doi: 10.1177/2056305120912488.

Laplante, L. (2022). How social media can crush your self-esteem.  The Conversation.  The Conversation Africa, Inc. https://theconversation.com/how-social-media-can-crush-your-self-esteem-174009.

Luttrell, R. (2018).  Social media: How to engage, share, and connect . Rowman & Littlefield.

Robertson, S. (2020). Module 9: Social identities: Race, ethnicity and nationality. In  Foundations in Sociology I . Pressbooks.

Rosennab, M. (2019).  Why stereotypes are hard to resist and how to resist them . Medium. https://medium.com/@rosennab/why-stereotypes-are-hard-to-resist-and-how-to-resist-them-99ca5d820173.

Silva, C. (2017). Social media’s impact on self-esteem.  Huffpost . BuzzFeed, Inc. https://www.huffpost.com/entry/social-medias-impact-on-self-esteem_b_58ade038e4b0d818c4f0a4e4.

Taylor, E., Guy-Walls, P., Wilkerson, P., & Addae, R. (2019). The historical perspectives of stereotypes on African-American males.  Journal of Human Rights and Social Work ,  4 (3), 213-225. Doi: 10.1007/s41134-019-00096-y.

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The Effects of Social Media on Self Esteem

Updated 25 October 2023

Downloads 27

Category Entertainment

Topic Social Media

The use of social media especially among the adolescents has been on the rise. As of January a third of the world’s population were using social media platforms (Samaha " Hawi, 1). The increase in the use of social media is about 10% annually (Samaha, M. " Hawi, 1). Social media is used for purposes such as collecting information, entertainment, and raising awareness on various life issues, and to expand knowledge on the lifestyles of others (Sonmez " Turanzi, 1). In the current times, most people use social media sites to learn about ideal body features and sizes. The increase in the consumption of social media platforms has triggered debates on the effects of social media use on self-esteem of the individuals by examining its effects on the life satisfaction and body dissatisfaction (Ferguson, Munoz, Garza, " Galindo, 1).  Self-esteem implies the acceptance and sense of worth of an individual. In a more general sense, it is one’s perspective of their self-worth (Sonmez  " Turanzi, 3) . There is a direct correlation between social media and self-esteem. In fact, for many social media users, the harm that arises from social media is far much more than the benefits. Social media affects the self-esteem of the individuals in several ways.

The Social Media Effects on Self-Esteem

The Social Media Advertisements

Social media advertisement has been on the rise in the recent times due to the huge number of recipients. The social networks use the users’ information to focus on relevant advertisements.  The social media networks align their marketing to a target audience which may result into high sales. Social networks use social media personality to achieve their advertisements. The Internet personalities, in their advertisements portray certain characters to shape the mentality of the users. The users may have self-esteem thinking that the way of life of the Internet personalities is the most appropriate. The social media cause a series of comparisons between individuals (Sonmez E, " Turanzi, 2).

The Desire for a Perfect Life

People tend to post the best versions of themselves in social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram. Social media users take into account the fact that whatever they see in the social media platforms may not necessarily be true. Most of the social media content may be highly orchestrated, especially from the brands or the celebrities. A study by Zimmerman (1) correlates the time spent in social media platforms with stress. The users tend to forget that one the posted pictures may be after a series of modifications. There is a growing obsession in the social media sites of taking pictures, notably the “selfies” (Distorted Reality 14). Social media sites such as Instagram and Snapchat are specifically devoted for photos. The sites have lenses and filters to improve the quality of the pictures. The filters also help in softening the look of the skins and alter the general physical appearance. The social media users tend to highly concentrate on the looks of others and feel sorry for their looks. The users may tend to have a distorted view of their looks and subsequently suffer from depression or even mental disorder. The adolescents get the pressure of creating personal brands when they are still not old enough. The social media sites show the celebrities as having “perfect” lives. The users, therefore, develop the desire to achieve perfections in their looks. The increased envy in the platforms is a major cause of self-esteem. The individuals tend to have lower levels of self-satisfaction.

Curating of Online Life

Most social media users strive to equate self-worth with the social media profiles. The individuals’ social media existence is mainly about curating of the virtual selves. The consumers of the social media platforms highly tinker their profiles, reinvent their appearance, thus becoming identity curators. There is also the choice of selecting of what to post and what not to post. In platforms such as Facebook, the users are in a constant revisiting and rewriting of the virtual life stories. In majority cases, the presentation in the social media sites may be far from the real life story. Dependent on one’s level of inclination, the social media profiles may just be pure fiction. The curated selves can easily be manipulated as they are two separate entities. The self-curation results into lower self-esteem for individuals as they don’t easily accept themselves as they are. The pictures and the posts are virtual pieces or possessions of us. The teenagers creating false may have depression as they try to bridge the gap between their real self and the social media depiction. Failure to achieve the standards may make the teenagers consider themselves as failures. They may have low levels of satisfactions of their achievements.

The Obsession with Likes and Comments

            There is a growing concern for attention from the social media sites by the users. Popular have a honest belief that their self-worth, beauty, and popularity is dependent on their lives in social media. The practice has an insane damage to the individual’s self-esteem as it may be impossible, even stressing, to achieve their target of comments and likes. The effects can be more when the users are comparing themselves with celebrities. In cases where the teenagers fail to get likes or comments from their posts, they may get depressed and try and edit or even delete their posts which may cause even more serious problems on their self-perception. Social media makes us equate self-worth with approval or the attention from the sites which should not be the ultimate measure of self-worth. Many people also pressurize themselves in spending in designer clothes to post in social media sites. The over concentration in social media presentation goes to an extent of making the users not concentrate on the basic needs as they are possessed as they focused on what other people perceive about themselves. The extreme value of the social media metrics has hugely lowered the self-esteem of the users as they try to equate their worth with the statistics. The users may end up having a negative perception about their bodies when they fail to get adequate attention (Sonmez " Turanzi 6).

False Connections

            Making distinction between the meaningful relationship one has with friends in the real world and the many, but casual social media relationships they form in the social media sites. The users’ social skills and real world relationships can be highly affected when they concentrate too much on the casual relationships they build in the platforms at the expense of the real world friendships. Most teenagers are more interested in impressing their peers rather than reasoning maturely in their social media presentations. The teenagers might to try their level best to create a huge amount of following at the expense of their dignity. They may post pictures revealing their nakedness as they tend to gain connections online. The weight given to cyberspace connections is on the rise. People make friendships and connections that are not real. The social media relationships in many scenarios do not have an equal give and take. Many individuals with social media anxiety may prefer chatting with casual friends rather than have the challenge of socializing in person. They may fail to attend their friends’ parties but rather hide behind their computers “socializing”.

The Folly of the Social Media Tutorials

            Social media platforms provide a lot of information on the way of doing things. There are personal posts and brands on how to prepare various delicacies or making perfect eyebrows. The tutorials are created by experts in the given fields who go ahead to further edit their presentations so that they are “perfect”. The social media users may go ahead to copy the tutorials and fail badly as they are not experts. The implication can be low self-esteem (Sonmez " Turanzi, 2017).

Disruption of Emotional Lives

Social media lives highly interrupt healthy habits in life such as hanging with family and friends, going for nature walks, watching and helping kids as they play. It makes people not fully engage in healthy activities as the core interest is to document the activities so that they can look good on social media. The consequences can be dire such as depression and low self-esteem.

The Judgmental Nature of Social Media

Social media can really make people feel bad about themselves because of its judgmental nature. Some people may mock other in the platforms as a way of achieving their happiness. Some online users feel satisfied by judging the opinions of others for their views on career choices, political standing, the photos they post, and the general presentation of their posts. Most users are intolerant and mean to accept anything that is not in line with their point of view (Williams " Ricciardelli, 391) Therefore, it becomes very difficult for someone to freely share out their opinions on various social issues. When people are judged based on their social medias appearance, they may feel bad about themselves have low self-esteem as a result. Social media also highly values people on their physical appearance (Sonmez " Turanzi, 2017). People who may not have the “perfect” appearance may end up stressing themselves on how to improve because of the critics. There are also many incidences of social media bullying impacting negatively on the self-worth of the victims.

Conclusions

            It is of no doubt that the use of social media platforms can have numerous negative outcomes on the self-esteem of the individuals. Social media sites expose the individuals to some virtual competition where people tend to compete with each other over who is way ahead of the peers. As people grow with the social media culture, they become slaves of the platforms at the expense of their self-esteem. The use of social media especially by the teenagers is a culture that is not going away soon but it has grave mental and self-esteem related issues. The users of social media should focus on the benefits that they may accrue from the social media sites such as gaining new knowledge but not use it as a platform for unhealthy competition based on looks. Keen monitoring of social media sites should be implemented to reduce the cases of cyber bullying. Also, the online users should be keen when reacting to the opinions of others on the general life issues. 

Works Cited

Samaha, M. " Hawi, N. The Relations Among Social Media Addiction, Self-Esteem, and Life

            Satisfaction in University Students. Social Science Computer Review, 35(5) 576-586.

Ferguson, C., Munoz, M., Garza, A.," Galindo, M. (2014). Concurrent and Prospective

Analyses of Peer, Television and Social Media Influences on Body Dissatisfaction, Eating Disorder Symptoms and Life Satisfaction in Adolescent Girls. Journal of Youth Adolescence, 43, 1-14.

Zimmerman, A. (2018). Social Media: The Enemy of Body Positivity. Washington Square News,

            New York University, New York NY.

Williams, O. " Ricciardelli, L. (2014). Social Media and Body Image Concerns: Further

            Considerations and Broader Perspectives. Sex Roles, 71, 389-392.

Sonmez E, " Turanzi, E. (2017). Examining Body-Related Decisions of the University Students:

The Impact of Media and Self-Esteem. The International Journal of Health, Wellness, and Society, 7(3), 1-7.

Distorted Reality. (2018). Community Practitioner, 14-16.

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Home / Essay Samples / Entertainment / Social Media

Social Media Essay Examples

Social media has become an integral part of modern society, impacting communication, culture, and various aspects of daily life. An essay example focused on social media serves a crucial purpose in exploring the effects, implications, and nuances of this digital phenomenon. It provides readers with a tangible illustration of how social media influences behavior, relationships, and society as a whole. One of the primary goals of essays on social media is to analyze trends, patterns, and behaviors that emerge within online platforms. These essays can delve into how individuals interact, share information, and form communities in the digital realm. By examining these behaviors, readers gain insights into the evolving nature of communication.

Exploration of Impact on Relationships Social media’s impact on relationships, both personal and professional, is a significant topic of discussion. Essay examples can explore how social media influences interpersonal connections, intimacy, and the dynamics of friendships, family relationships, and romantic partnerships. Essays on social media often address privacy concerns and ethical considerations. These essays can analyze how personal data is collected, shared, and monetized on social platforms. Discussions about the ethical use of data and the potential for exploitation are crucial in the age of digital information. Writing Tips for Social Media Essays:

Focus on a Specific Aspect: Choose a specific angle or aspect of social media to explore in your essay, whether it’s a particular platform, a trend, or an impact. Thesis Statement: Start with a clear thesis that outlines your main argument or perspective on the topic. Evidence-Based: Support your arguments with relevant data, statistics, case studies, and real-life examples. Critical Analysis: Engage in critical analysis of the positive and negative effects of social media, considering both sides of the argument. Cohesion and Structure: Organize your essay logically, with an introduction, body paragraphs, and conclusion. Ensure that your ideas flow smoothly and cohesively. Ethical Considerations: Discuss ethical concerns related to social media use, such as privacy, online harassment, and the spread of misinformation. Future Implications: Consider the potential future developments and impacts of social media in your essay.

A social media essay example serves as a means to dissect the intricate relationship between technology, communication, and society. By studying and analyzing these examples, readers can gain insights into the multifaceted effects of social media, the complexities of online interactions, and the potential ramifications for individuals and communities.

About Modern Communication: How Social Media Change Life

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About Social Media

Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, Instagram, Twitter, WeChat, TikTok, LinkedIn, etc.

Six Degrees is widely considered to be the very first social networking site, founded by Andrew Weinreich in May 1996

Social media are interactive technologies that facilitate the creation and sharing of information, ideas, interests, and other forms of expression through virtual communities and networks.

Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, Instagram,Twitter, WeChat, TikTok, LinkedIn, etc.

Social media may take the form of a variety of tech-enabled activities: Social Networks (Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn),Media Sharing Networks (Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube), Discussion Forums (Reddit, Quora, Digg),Bookmarking & Content Curation Networks (Pinterest, Flipboard),Consumer Review Networks (Yelp, Zomato, TripAdvisor), Blogging & Publishing Networks (WordPress, Tumblr, Medium),Social Shopping Networks (Polyvore, Etsy, Fancy), Interest-Based Networks(Goodreads, Houzz, Last.fm)

Social media is a big monster today. It’s a very large ocean with uncountable content, news and information. The average internet user has 8.6 social media accounts and every 6.4 seconds a new account has been created. Today in excess of 3.2 billion photos and 720,000 hours of video are shared per day across social media. 91% of retail brands use 2 or more social media channels.

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