experience in pandemic essay tagalog

Mga kuwento tungkol sa COVID-19: Sinusubukan ng 72 taong gulang mahalagang manggagawa manatiling malusog habang nag-aalaga ng iba

“Parati akong naka-maskara sa trabaho. Tinatanggal ko lang ito kapag natutulog ako.”

Bago ang COVID-19 pandemya, parating nagtatrabaho si Lilia Antazo. Lumipat sa Estados Unidos ang 72 taong gulang Pilipinang dayuhan kasama ang kanyang asawa at pinaka batang anak noong 2001. Simula noon, nagtatrabaho siya bilang isang pribadong tagapag-alaga.

Nagluluto ng pagkain, naglilinis ng bahay at namimili siya para sa mga pasyente niya. Binibigyan niya sila ng gamot at inaalagaan niya sila na parang sarili niyang nanay, ayon kay Antazo. Pero nagbago ang lahat dahil sa coronavirus.

Kinuwento ni Antazo sa Borderless Magazine ang buhay niya sa gitna ng COVID-19 pandemya.

Read in English

Lagi akong nakamaskara sa trabaho. Tinatanggal ko lang ito tuwing natutulog ako.

Nakakabagot sa trabaho. Nakakabagot at nakakatakot. Nakakatakot dahil kapag sumasakay ako ng bus o tren papunta sa trabaho, iniisip ko, “Paano kung magkasakit ako?” Sobrang takot ako dahil may hika ako. Maingat talaga ako sa lahat.

How a Femme Liberation Collective is Practicing Community Care

Ngayon, bakante ang iskedyul ko. Dati-rati, dalawa ang pasyente ko pero dahil sa COVID-19 tinatanggihan ko na ang trabaho. Marami pa rin nag-aalok ng trabaho pero umaayaw na ako. Natatakot akong bumiyahe at makihalubilo sa mga tao.

Isang pasyente lang sa North Side ang inaalagaan ko tuwing Sabado at Linggo.

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Community Reflections

My life experience during the covid-19 pandemic.

Melissa Blanco Follow

Document Type

Class Assignment

Publication Date

Affiliation with sacred heart university.

Undergraduate, Class of 2024

My content explains what my life was like during the last seven months of the Covid-19 pandemic and how it affected my life both positively and negatively. It also explains what it was like when I graduated from High School and how I want the future generations to remember the Class of 2020.

Class assignment, Western Civilization (Dr. Marino).

Recommended Citation

Blanco, Melissa, "My Life Experience During the Covid-19 Pandemic" (2020). Community Reflections . 21. https://digitalcommons.sacredheart.edu/covid19-reflections/21

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Metapora sa panahon ng pandemya: ilang tala tungkol sa mga metaporang may kaugnayan sa covid-19 pandemic sa wikang filipino.

Hindi maitatangging napakalaki ng naging epekto ng pandemya sa pamumuhay ng mga tao sa iba’t ibang sulok ng daigdig. Hinubog ng ating mga karanasan sa panahon ng krisis na ito ang iba’t ibang aspekto ng ating mga buhay, maging ang paraan kung paano natin tinitingnan ang mismong pandemya. Sa ganitong diwa, nilalayon ng pananaliksik na ito na mailahad ang iba’t ibang pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa pandemya sa pamamagitan ng pagsusuri sa mga metaporang ginagamit sa wikang Filipino upang ilarawan ang COVID-19 pandemic. Upang maabot ang layunin ng papel, dalawang corpora ang ginamit. Mula sa corporang ito ay itinala ang mga metaporikal na ekspresyong naglalarawan sa pandemya. Batay sa mga nakalap na datos sa corpora, apat na pangunahing tema ang natukoy: ANG PANDEMYA AY DIGMAAN, ANG PANDEMYA AY UNOS, ANG PANDEMYA AY SÚNOG, at ANG COVID-19 AY NILALANG NA MAYROONG PAG-IISIP. Natuklasan sa pag-aanalisa sa mga metaporang ito na ang mga metaporang ginagamit kaugnay ng pandemya ay hindi lamang mga payak na ekspresyong lumilitaw sa mga usapan bagkus ay mayroon itong malawak na implikasyon sa kamalayan ng mga mamamayan at sa pagkilos ng mga nakapangyayaring sektor ng lipunan.

Author: Noah Cruz
Publication Date: 2022, October 10
Publication Type: Journal Article
Published In: Diliman Review Vol. 64 No. 1
Topics: Metaphors
Link: https://journals.upd.edu.ph/index.php/dilimanreview/article/view/8944

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Filipinos and nationalism during the covid-19 pandemic, filipinos helping fellow filipinos.

As COVID-19 strikes the Philippine nation, people rise together to counter it. At the forefront of the fight against the virus are our healthcare workers and various frontliners. Daily, they face the hazard of infection with their mantra: “We go to work for you. Please stay at home for us.”

Healthcare workers who directly work with COVID-positive patients are outnumbered; and due to their first-hand exposure, some staff require quarantine themselves - reducing their numbers. Another big challenge for frontliners is the lack of medical supplies including Personal Protective Equipment (PPEs).

Community quarantine and social distancing has not hindered our kababayans in looking for ways to help with the battle. Different groups, individuals, classmates, colleagues - groups big and small - have come together, despite limited resources and movement. Showing everyone that we are all #InThisTogether.

Asia 21 Young Leaders , Darwin Mariano and Harvey Keh , used their platform, Ticket2Me – The Kaya Natin! Movement in coordination with the Office of the Vice President to help raise funds in order to purchase PPEs, other medical supplies, and care/food packs needed by our health workers and frontliners.

“Each PPE Daily Set Ticket consists of one N95 mask, one gown, two sets of gloves, two pieces of head covers, two sets of shoe covers and one pair of goggles. This is only good for one (1) health worker. Each Food and Care Pack Ticket will help one health worker/frontliner per day. All donors will receive an electronic ticket from our ticketing platform as proof of donation to the Kaya Natin! Movement. Ticket2Me has waived its service fees for this campaign but third-party payment gateway service fees will apply. These service fees are charged by the system's various payment partners including: the credit card processing bank, PayPal, GCash, 7-Eleven, MLhuillier, Cebuana Lhuillier or ECPay. To observe social distancing, online donations are coursed through our #AngatBuhay partner Kaya Natin!”

As of March 24, 2020, The Kaya Natin! Movement has reached PhP28,868,752.79 and have already distributed 23,475 daily sets of PPEs to 1,565 workers.

Ticket2Me is not the only platform and group reaching out to help our frontliners and our most at risk. Netizens have come together to compile organizations seeking donations and assistance through a collaborative spreadsheet HOW TO HELP OUT DURING COVID-19 CRISIS. The list includes drives for frontliners, our affected daily wage earners, homes for the elderly, and our most at risk.

Here are some of the organizations (catering to frontliners) you can donate to:

1. Tulong Kabataan – UP Manila

- What they need: Asking for masks and alcohol

- Who are they helping: patients, healthworkers, and interns of Philippine General Hospital

- Contact Details: +639082111437

2. Philippine General Hospital

- What they need: Personal Protective Equipment (n95 mask, surgical mask, face shield, surgical gowns) 70% Ethyl Alcohol

- Who are they helping: Frontliners (Healthcare Workers)

- Contact Details: Dr. Mia Tabuñar (Coordinator for Resource Generation) 09193506917

3. Ospital ng Muntinlupa

- What they need: Asking for N95 masks, face shields, 70% Ethyl Alcohol, surgical gown, clean/sterile gloves

- Contact Details: Dr. Edwin Dimatatac - 09176294301

4. Philippine Association of Medical Technologists, Inc. (PAMET)

- Contact Details: PAMET Secretariat - (02) 8817-1487 / 09178901118

5. National Children’s Hospital (NCH)

- What they need: PPE, N95 masks, face shields, 70% Ethyl Alcohol, surgical gown, clean/sterile gloves

- Who are they helping: Frontline government workers and healthworkers

- Contact Details: Dr. Jennifer Gianan, Chief Resident - National Children's Hospital 09176392278 or at 264 E. Rodriguez Ave., New Manila, QC Swift Code - BOPIPHMM

6. #ProtectTheFrontline

- What they need : Asking for Surgical masks, surgical gloves, surgical caps, PPE set, N95 masks, protective goggles, plastic boots, plastic aprons, disposable gowns, face shields, scrub suit, alcohol, soap, food, hazmat suits

- Who they are helping: Frontliners

We salute all the people who are trying their best to fight this crisis for fellow Filipinos. There are many ways to support our frontliners and each other during this time. However, one of the best ways to help them is by KEEPING HEALTHY and STAYING AT HOME .

#ProtectTheFrontline

We are here and we are #InThisTogether.

The Kaya Natin! Movement

If interested in donating click here for more details

You can also contact them at [email protected] or +639985968820

How to Help Out During Covid-19 Crisis

If interested in sharing information or donating to organizations – click here for more details

To show your appreciation for our medical frontliners, click here for more details

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

The importance of well-being on resiliency of filipino adults during the covid-19 enhanced community quarantine: a necessary condition analysis.

1 College of Arts and Sciences, Manila Tytana Colleges, Pasay, Philippines
2 Psycli-Nik Psychological Assessment and Intervention Services, Zamboanga City, Philippines

Nation-wide community quarantines and social distancing are part of the new normal because of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Since extensive and prolonged lockdowns are relatively novel experiences, not much is known about the well-being of individuals in such extreme situations. This research effort investigated the relationship between well-being elements and resiliency of 533 Filipino adults who were placed under the nationwide enhanced community quarantine (ECQ) during the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants comprised of 376 females (70.56%) and 157 males (29.45%). The median and mode ages of the participants is 23 years, while 25 is the mean age. PERMA Profiler was used to measure participants’ well-being elements, while Connor-Davidson Resiliency Scale-10 (CD-RISC-10) was used to measure their resiliency. Collected data were analyzed using the regression model and necessary condition analysis. This study corroborated that all the five pillars of well-being are significant positive correlates of resiliency ( p < 0.00) in quarantined adults. The results shown accomplishment ( β = 0.447, p < 0.01) positively predicts resiliency, while negative emotions ( β = −0.171, p < 0.00) negatively predict resiliency. Lastly, the five pillars of well-being are necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions (ceiling envelopment with free disposal hull, CE-FDH p < 0.00) of resiliency. Our results cast a new light on well-being elements as constraints rather than enablers of resiliency. This novel result shows that optimum resiliency is only possible when all the five pillars of well-being are taken care of and when a person is at least minimally contented with their physical health. The present findings underscore the importance of a holistic as against an atomistic approach to maintaining good mental health, which suggests that deficiencies in certain areas of well-being may not be fully addressed by overcompensating on other areas, as all five pillars of well-being are necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions of resiliency. The study ends with the recommendation for the use of necessary condition analysis to study both classical and novel psychological research problems.

The Importance of Well-Being on Resiliency of Filipino Adults During the COVID-19 Who are Community Quarantined

The infectious Coronavirus disease (COVID-19), which causes respiratory illness includes flu-like symptoms such as cough, fever, and in more severe cases, breathing difficulties. COVID-19 is mainly spread through contact with an infected person who sneezes or coughs. It can be acquired when a person touches their eyes, nose, or mouth after touching objects or surfaces that have the virus on it ( World Health Organization, 2020 ). Starting December 2019, countries imposed travel bans and asked individuals who have possibly been exposed to the contagion to isolate themselves in a dedicated quarantine facility or at home ( Brooks et al., 2020 ) at an unprecedented scale. The Philippines reported its first case of COVID-19 on January 30, 2020. Since then, the number of reported cases exponentially increased by the day ( ABS-CBN Investigative and Research Group, 2020 ). As of December 12, 2020, 447,039 infected cases were reported throughout the country. Of the total number of cases, 409,329 have recovered, and 8,709 have died ( Department of Health, 2020 ).

As a response to the growing threat of the pandemic, the entire Luzon was placed under enhanced community quarantine (ECQ; Medialdea, 2020 ). Shortly, both Visayas and Mindanao followed suit. The said measure involves draconian restrictions: that include the establishment of checkpoints in most cities; the suspension of classes in all levels; the prohibition of mass gatherings; the temporary shutting down of non-essential businesses; the banning of public utilized utility vehicles; and the strict implementation of home isolation. Although it was initially planned to end on April 12, 2020 ( Abueg, 2020 ), several subsequent recommendations both from the national and local governments extended the nationwide community quarantine until December 31, 2020 ( CNN Philippines Staff, 2020 ). As the nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) shrank 16.5% in the second quarter of 2020, the Philippines officially entered recession as an effect of the extended quarantines ( Agence France-Presse, 2020 ). While quarantine is often among the initial responses against an emerging infectious disease ( Parmet and Sinha, 2020 ), it is often unpleasant for those who are required to submit to it and may lead to several harmful conditions for some persons ( Hawryluck et al., 2004 ; Brooks et al., 2020 ). Hence, the psychological effects of quarantine have received considerable attention. Barbisch et al. (2015) reported that losing autonomy, isolation away from loved ones, uncertainty, and boredom could lead to adverse effects on an individual’s well-being. Following the imposition of cordon sanitaire in previous outbreaks, substantial anger, anxiety and even an increase in suicide rates have been reported ( Brooks et al., 2020 ). Similarly, the National Center for Mental Health (NCMH) in the Philippines reported that depression and other mental health issues were on the rise after imposing ECQ in different provinces in the country ( Tenorio, 2020 ).

Well-Being and Its Elements

It is important to note that while quarantines are often unpleasant, their effect on people diverge. While there are individuals who experience mental health issues, there are also those who are more resilient and can move on with their lives. This highlights the importance of studying not only how individuals suffer in light of community quarantines, but also how they cope, and even flourish in the face of such challenging times. Seligman (2011) argued that even in difficult situations, human beings are motivated to thrive and not just merely survive. According to Fredrickson and Losada (2005) , flourishing means living “within an optimal range of human functioning, one that connotes goodness, generativity, growth, and resilience.” Based on this definition, resilience appears to arise from flourishing. Well-being predicts resiliency. For clarity, the terms “flourishing,” “thriving,” and “well-being” are used interchangeably in the literature ( Butler and Kern, 2016 ). Therefore, we also use the terms interchangeably here.

Well-being Theory of Seligman (2011) advocates that flourishing arises from five well-being pillars-Positive Emotion, Engagement, Relationships, Meaning, and Accomplishment, hence PERMA. It is important to note that no single element defines well-being, but each contributes to it. Positive emotions include an extensive variety of feelings, which include excitement, satisfaction, pride, and awe. Previous reviews highlight the important role of these emotions in positive life outcomes ( Butler and Kern, 2016 ). Engagement involves activities that stimulate and develop upon an individual’s interests. Csikszentmihalyi (2009) argues that true engagement leads to a state of deep and effortless involvement where an individual is completely absorbed in an activity that often leads to a sense of joy and lucidity. Relationships are social connections important in stimulating positive emotions. They can either be work-related, familial, romantic, and even platonic. The experiences that contribute to well-being are often amplified through our relationships. Positive relationships have been linked to positive outcomes such as better physical health, healthier behaviors, less psychopathology, and lower mortality risk ( Tay et al., 2013 ). A sense of meaning is derived from having a direction in life, belonging to a cause larger than the self, and serving a purpose greater than one’s immediate needs ( Steger, 2012 ). Such activities provide a sense that life is valuable and worthwhile. Various societal institutions such as religion, politics, justice, and community social causes enable a sense of meaning. Accomplishments are pursuits toward and reaching goals, mastery, and efficacy to complete tasks ( Butler and Kern, 2016 ) in various domains such as the workplace, in sports and games, and even in hobbies and interests. Seligman (2011) argued that people pursue accomplishments even when they do not result in positive emotions, meaning, or relationships. Although PERMA was developed mainly within the Western context, several researches found that PERMA is experienced in culturally consistent manners in non-Western societies such as the United Arab Emirates ( Lambert and Pasha-Zaidi, 2016 ), Hong-Kong ( Lai et al., 2018 ), and the Philippines ( Nebrida and Dullas, 2018 ).

Defining Resilience

Over the past decade, resilience has become a popular concept in both research and clinical practice ( Kumpfer, 2002 ; Walsh-Dilley and Wolford, 2015 ). Despite the lack of consensus in how it is defined ( Vella and Pai, 2019 ), it is accepted that resilience involves the positive adaptation following a stressful or adverse experience ( Porterfield et al., 2010 ). Most definitions acknowledge two key points about resilience ( Herrman et al., 2011 ). First, is that various factors interact with it. For example, personal characteristics such as personality traits ( Oshio et al., 2018 ), self-esteem ( Karatas and Cakar, 2011 ), and even age ( Diehl and Hay, 2010 ) influence resilience. Social and community factors ( Harms et al., 2018 ) such as secure attachments, the presence of a role model ( Levine, 2003 ), family stability ( Grubman, 2018 ), and culture ( Ungar, 2008 ) affect the ability to cope with daily struggles. Second, resilience is time and context-specific and may not be present across all life domains. Resilience appears to be receptive to the influence of specific situations ( Hayman et al., 2017 ) such as unique stressors ( Jex et al., 2013 ) like war and other happenstances ( Besser et al., 2014 ).

While the aforementioned literature provides key insights into the definition, factors, and contexts of resilience, most research focuses on factors are outside the control of the individual. While these researches are important in explaining the development of resilience, they lack emphasis on positive mechanisms, which are behaviors a person can perform to facilitate resilience. While resilience has been studied both in daily and unique stressors, none focused on the novel situation of wide range community quarantines. Therefore, despite the abundance of resilience-related research, the question remains “What positive mechanisms are involved in the resilience of people who are subjected to quarantine?”

The Present Study

In this paper, we introduced a novel approach in understanding the necessary but not sufficient nature of the aforementioned positive aspects of well-being in predicting resiliency. We used Dul (2016) Necessary Condition Analysis (NCA), which seeks to identify necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions in data sets ( Dul, 2018 ). A necessary condition is a crucial factor in an outcome. If it is not in place, the outcome will not be achieved, but its sole presence does not guarantee that the outcome will be obtained. Without the necessary condition, however, there is a certain failure, which may not be compensated by other determinants of the outcome. Necessary (but not sufficient) conditions widely exist in real-life. For example, the novel SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus is a necessary-but-not-sufficient condition for COVID-19 ( World Health Organization, 2020 ). Without SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus, an individual will not acquire COVID-19. However, even with SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus, an individual may or may not acquire COVID-19. In the same light, a college student who wants to pass the course, Introduction to Psychology (the outcome) needs to attend 80% of lecture hours (necessary conditions). However, attending class regularly does not guarantee passing the course as other requirements (examinations, seat-works, research work, and journal critique paper) play a role in a student’s grade. Yet, if the student incurs too many absences and tardiness, failure is guaranteed. As seen in the aforementioned examples, necessary causes are not automatically sufficient. They can be seen as constraints, barriers, or obstacles one needs to deal with to arrive at the desired outcome.

While well-being and resiliency are closely related concepts ( Hu et al., 2015 ) Flourishing model of Seligman’s (2011) perceives resiliency as the result of both “surviving” and “thriving” psychological characteristics. This theoretical relationship between well-being and resilience has gained empirical support in recent years ( Harms et al., 2018 ). For example, Martínez-Martí and Ruch (2017) and Burns and Anstey (2010) demonstrated that measures of well-being are not simply redundant with self-report scales of resilience. At the same time, while the relationship between these two concepts are robust, it is rarely straightforward ( Harms et al., 2018 ). Interestingly, some researchers ( Fredrickson et al., 2003 ; Tugade and Fredrickson, 2004 ; Ong et al., 2006 , 2010 ; Kuntz et al., 2016 ) argued that optimal levels of PERMA elements predict resilience in normal sample.

In the light of the foregoing, the present study aims to investigate how PERMA predicts the resiliency of community quarantined individuals. An explanation of possible necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions of resiliency during quarantine may have both theoretical and practical value. Theoretically, an investigation of this sort allows the advancement of our understanding of how a multitude of variables coalesces to produce resiliency in times of quarantine and social isolation. This is significant as wide-range and prolonged quarantines are relatively novel experiences. Hence, not much is known about its psychological implications for human beings. Psychological interventions may target different necessary-but-not-sufficient variables jointly. Because of NCA’s ability to identify bottleneck variables ( Dul, 2019a ), conditions that must be present for resiliency to be possible, interventions may prioritize bottleneck variables of resiliency to maximize the use of limited resources. Lastly, identifying necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions for resiliency may also help individuals who are quarantined to develop their understanding of the behaviors they need to engage to have resiliency. Following this logic, we hypothesize that:

H 01 : PERMA elements predict the resiliency of the community-quarantined individuals.

H 02 : PERMA elements are necessary, but not sufficient conditions, for the resiliency of the community-quarantined individuals.

Methodology

Research design.

To test the assumption that PERMA elements are both sufficient and necessary conditions of resiliency in community quarantined individuals, sufficiency and necessity observational design were used concurrently. In these designs, the conditions (PERMA) and the outcome (resiliency) are observed in real-life context and without the manipulation of the condition. While sufficiency and necessity observational research designs follow the same data gathering procedures, they diverge in data analysis. Dul (2016) argued that NCA is a complement to traditional approaches to analyze relations. As in our research, by using multiple regression we could spot determinants that contribute to resiliency, whereas NCA allowed us to spot critical determinants (constraints) that prevent resiliency from developing. These bottlenecks, when present, prevents resiliency from occurring even when we increase the values of other determinants unless we take away the bottlenecks by increasing the value of the critical determinant. NCA lead us to discover critical determinants that were not part of the determinants identified with the regression model. Using both approaches is critical in adequately understanding the resiliency of individuals who are subjected to the extended ECQ.

Research Participants

Because of the restrictions in both mobility and social interactions as direct consequences of the nationwide ECQ, we used purposive – convenience sampling to recruit Filipino Facebook users who reside in communities placed under the ECQ. The survey was promoted through social media, primarily on Facebook. A total of 541 participants responded to our online survey via Google Form. The minimum age reported was 16 years old, while the maximum age was 64 years old with a median of 23. Because resiliency scores are contingent to age, only those whose ages ranged between emerging adulthood to early middle adulthood (18–40) were included in the study.

Inclusion Criteria

Participants that were considered to partake in the research met the following criteria: first, a participant must be aged 18 to 40 years old. Second, he/she resides in a quarantined area in the Philippines. Third, a participant must be a Filipino citizen as social and cultural factors influence resiliency.

Exclusion Criteria

A participant was excluded in the research because of the following conditions: first, a participant aged less than 18 years old and over 40 years old, a participant who refused to completely answer the online survey questionnaires, and a participant who does not reside in a quarantine area in the Philippines.

Ethical Considerations

In dealing with the participants, respect and protection of the privacy of the participants were prioritized. Thus, privacy and anonymity was of paramount importance. Also, voluntary participation of the chosen participants for said the study was important. Participants had the right to withdraw from the study at any phase of the research if they wished to do so.

Potential participants were fully informed regarding the research, full consent was essential and obtained from the participants. The first page of the online questionnaire required participants to check a box to show consent before having access to the survey. The principle of informed consent involved the researchers providing sufficient information and assurances about taking part to allow potential participants to understand the implications of participation and to reach a fully informed, considered, and freely decided about whether to do so, without the exercise of any pressure or coercion. No incentives were provided in return for their participation.

In collecting data through online surveys, we minimized intrusions on privacy, anonymity, and confidentiality. Before data collection, an adequate level of confidentiality of the research data was ensured to the participants to make them feel secured and protected with the information they shared or contributed. Also, any communication about the research was observed with respect and transparency. Ultimately, research participants are not subjected to harm.

Research Instruments

Google Forms was used to gather sociodemographic variables from the sample and deliver the following self-administered scales, which were used to measure the variables of the current study. Specifically, we used the Connor-Davidson Resiliency Scale-10 (CD-RISC-10) to measure their resiliency, and the PERMA Profiler to measure participants’ well-being elements.

Connor-Davidson Resiliency Scale

The CD-RISC-10 is a 10 item scale that is used to measure resiliency, operationally defined as the ability to “thrive in the face of adversity” ( Connor and Davidson, 2003 ). The unidimensional CD-RISC-10 evaluates several components of psychological pliability: the abilities to adapt to change, manage what comes along, handle stress, stay focused and think clearly, avoid getting discouraged in the face of failure, and handle unpleasant emotions such as pain, sadness, and anger ( Campbell-Sills and Stein, 2007 ). Each item is rated on a five-point range of responses. The total score is computed by getting the sum of all the responses whereby higher scores show high resilience ( Scali et al., 2012 ). Campbell-Sills et al. (2009) maintained that CD-RISC-10 has a median score of 32 with lowest to highest quartiles of 0–29 (Q1), 30–32 (Q2), 33–36 (Q3), and 37–40 (Q4) in general sample. As a widely used scale, CD-RISC-10 has achieved remarkable internal consistency of 0.89 in general population samples. It is both valid and reliable within the context of different cultures, including Filipino samples ( Campbell-Sills and Stein, 2007 ).

PERMA Profiler

The PERMA Profiler is a brief scale that measures the five pillars of well-being: positive emotion, engagement, positive relationships, meaning, and accomplishment, together with negative emotions and health ( Butler and Kern, 2016 ) along a 10-point Likert type scale. Of the 23 items, 15 correspond to the five core elements of well-being (three items per PERMA domain). In addition, eight items were included to test negative emotions (three items), physical health (three items), loneliness (one item), and overall well-being (one item). All items are expressed positively and higher scores denote better well-being except for negative emotions. Subscale scores are calculated by getting the mean of the three items on each subscale, except for loneliness. Overall well-being is calculated by averaging all items except those from the negative emotions subscale. The measure has been used in various samples and was found to have sufficient psychometric properties ( Cobo-Rendón et al., 2020 ). Butler and Kern (2016) reported that adequate reliability is observed for overall well-being and all subscales, α range from 0.71 to 0.94 across eight studies ( N = 31,966). According to Nebrida and Dullas (2018) , the Tagalog version of the PERMA Profiler has a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.842 in 101 Filipino participants.

In the current study ( n = 533), both PERMA Profiler ( α = 0.927) and CD-RISC-10 ( α = 0.915) have an “excellent” internal consistency. These results confirm that the scales are reliable tools for measuring elements of Well-being and Resiliency, respectively, in our sample.

Data Gathering Procedures

Data gathering lasted from March 23 to April 10, 2020, during the first reset of the nationwide extended ECQ. After securing individuals’ interest to take part in the study, we sent potential participants a link to the survey via Facebook Messenger. The first section of the Google Form shows the title of the research and an overview of the current study. After giving consent, participants could fill out the survey. Participants cannot answer the scales without explicitly agreeing to partake in the study. After securing informed consent, each participant was asked to provide their sociodemographic characteristics and then answer the PERMA Profiler and the CD-RSC-10. Answering both scales did not take the participants more than 20 min. After completing the questionnaire, each participant was virtually debriefed.

At any point, should a participant decide not to proceed with the research, they were free to do so with no implications. All the participant has to do was to close the Google Form window and any previously provided data were not recorded.

Data from Google Form were exported to IBM’s Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and NCA Software for data analysis.

Data Analysis

Frequency and percentage were used to analyze the sociodemographic characteristics of the participants. We used Cronbach’s alpha to determine the internal reliability of the measuring scales. Correlation and multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine the relationship between PERMA elements and potential predictors of resiliency. Lastly, we used NCA to analyze whether the core elements of well-being are necessary but not sufficient conditions of resiliency.

There are two steps in NCA ( Dul et al., 2019 ), determining ceiling lines and bottleneck tables are the first. Unlike traditional regression models where a line is drawn through the middle of the data in an XY-plot, a ceiling line is created in NCA. This line distinguishes between areas with cases and areas without cases, the zone found in the upper left-hand corner of the plot. However, exceptions such as outliers and errors may be present in a sample so that the empty zone above the ceiling is not empty ( Karwowski et al., 2016 ). The ceiling line is a non-decreasing line (either a linear step function or a straight line) that shows which level of x (well-being elements) is necessary but not sufficient in producing the desired level of y (resiliency).

Dul (2016) identified two techniques in drawing the ceiling line. The first is the non-parametric Ceiling Envelopment with Free Disposal Hull (CE-FDH), which is a piecewise linear line. It is the default ceiling envelopment technique for NCA because it is flexible and intuitive and applies to dichotomous, discrete, and continuous conditions. The second technique is the parametric Ceiling Regression with Free Disposal Hull (CR-FDH), unlike the CE-FDH, this technique smoothens the piecewise linear lines by using a straight line. Because of this, CR-FDH usually has some observations above the ceiling line. Whereas CE-FDH does not. In further comparing the two techniques, CE-FDH is preferred when a straight line does not represent the data because smoothing reduces the size of the ceiling zone as with dichotomous variables and for discrete and continuous variables with relatively low small data sets. CE-FDH is 100% accurate in drawing the demarcation between observations above and observations below the ceiling line.

Quantifying the accuracy of ceiling lines, effect size, and statistical significance of the necessary conditions and necessary inefficiency are the second and final step ( Dul et al., 2020 ). The area of the empty zone above the ceiling line divided by the area where cases would be possible given the minimum and maximum values of X and Y is the effect size of a necessary condition ( Karwowski et al., 2016 ). Therefore, large effect size shows lower ceiling line and greater limitations that well-being elements have on resiliency. On the other hand, if there is a lack of empty space in the scatter plot then well-being elements are not contingents of resiliency. The effect size of a necessary condition can take the values between 0 and 1 where 0–0.1 corresponds to a small effect, 0.1–0.3 a medium effect, 0.3–0.5 a large effect, and d that is greater than 0.5 a very large effect ( Tynan et al., 2020 ). An R package that allows the calculation of various effect size indicators and inferential statistics useful for hypothesis testing is provided by Dul (2016) . The NCA null hypothesis is that the observed effect size is the same as the effect size calculated using random data ( Dul, 2019b ). An estimation of the probability that the observed necessary condition effect size results from comparing two unrelated variables, otherwise known as permutation test, is used to determine statistical significance in NCA ( Dul et al., 2020 ). Observed values of the x and y variables are randomly paired without replacement. Such pairing continues until the sample size is reached and the process is repeated at least 10,000. The resultant value of p is interpreted using traditional thresholds such as α = 0.05 or α = 0.01. Depending on the context of the research, both significance testing and effect size are useful in determining the theoretical and practical importance of an observed outcome ( Tynan et al., 2020 ). We focus our attention on conditions with both d > 0.5 and p < 0.05.

SPSS was used to analyze the frequency and percentage of various sociodemographic variables, the scales’ reliability, and for generating the Regression Model. R Statistical Software with NCA Package was used to conduct NCA.

Profile of the Participants

Participants comprised 376 females (70.56%) and 157 males (29.45%). The median and mode ages of the participants are 23 years, while the mean age is 25. Among the participants 189 (35.46%) were college students, 293 (54.97%) are employed, and 51 (9.57%) are out of work. Lastly, seven (1.31%) participants reported that they had direct contact with someone who was infected with COVID-19, while 100 (18.76%) reside in communities with known COVID-19 cases and 426 (79.92%) have no exposure to the disease.

PERMA as Predictors of Resiliency

Table 1 summarizes the descriptive statistics and analysis results of the study. Results revealed that the mean resiliency score of the participants is 24.83, with a SD of 7.22. PERMA elements including overall well-being are positive and significantly correlated with resiliency. Interestingly, a subjective sense of health (feeling good and healthy each day) showed only a weak, albeit significant positive correlation with resiliency. Negative emotions and loneliness are negatively correlated with resiliency.

Table 1 . Summary statistics, correlations, and coefficient results for regression analysis of study variables.

The multiple regression model with all nine predictors produced R 2 = 0.368, F (9, 523) = 33.83, p < 0.001 with adjusted R 2 = 0.357. This means that 36.8% of the variance in resiliency scores is because of the PERMA elements. As seen in Table 1 , accomplishment ( β = 0.447, p < 0.01) and negative emotions ( β = −0.171, p < 0.00) are the only elements of PERMA with significant regression weights, showing scores on these elements predict resiliency. However, negative emotions have significant negative weight as compared to with standardized coefficients of −0.171 vs. 0.477.

The multiple regression model of the four confounders between the relationship of PERMA elements and resiliency produced R 2 = 0.036, F (4, 528) = 4.90, p < 0.001 with adjusted R 2 = 0.028. It shows that the spread of the confounders is 3.6% between the relationship of the variables. As seen in Table 2 , only employment status (student, unemployed, and employed) with β = 0.14, p < 0.00 is a significant predictor of resiliency.

Table 2 . Confounders between the relationship of PERMA and Resiliency.

PERMA as Necessary-But-Not-Sufficient Conditions of Resiliency

The results of NCA on Resiliency show that all five elements of the original Seligman (2011) PERMA are necessary but not sufficient conditions of Resiliency among individuals who are community quarantined as showed by the size of the empty zone in the XY-plots in Figure 1 . This means that to score 35 in the CD-RISC-10, a score of 1 for positive emotions and engagement, a score of 2 for Positive Relationships, Meaning, and Accomplishment are necessary.

Figure 1 . Scatterplots of the original PERMA elements ( x ) as necessary conditions of resiliency ( y ). Note: The dashed lines are ceiling lines. The selected ceiling line technique (CE-FDH) do not allow data points above the ceiling line. The solid line is the ordinary least squares regression line.

Figure 2 contains the scatterplots of the four supplementary subscales of Butler and Kern (2016) PERMA Profiler. Only the xy-plot of Overall Well-being ( x ) and Resiliency ( y ) has a “moderately sized” empty zone in the upper left corner of the plot. This is not surprising considering that Overall Well-being is the composite score of the five PERMA elements and health score. The scatterplots of Health ( x ) and Resiliency ( y ), and Negative Emotions ( x ) and Resiliency ( y ) contain discernibly small empty zones. Lastly, the empty zone is absent in the Loneliness ( x ) – Resiliency ( y ) scatterplot. This assumes that Loneliness is not a necessary condition of Resiliency as the presence and size of an empty zone is a sign that a necessary condition is present ( Dul, 2016 ).

Figure 2 . Scatterplots of overall well-being, health, negative emotions, and loneliness ( x ) as necessary conditions of resiliency ( y ). These elements were not in the original Seligman (2011) PERMA model but are supplementary subscales in Butler and Kern (2016) PERMA Profiler. Note: The dashed lines are ceiling lines. The selected ceiling line technique (CE-FDH) does not allow data points above the ceiling line. The solid line is the ordinary least squares regression line.

We summarized the results of the multiple NCA in Table 3 . The observed accuracy of all variables exceeds arbitrary benchmark of Dul (2018) for the desired accuracy of 95%. Dul suggests the use of CR-FDH for interpreting variables with accuracies above 95%. However, since our variables do not follow a normal distribution ( p = 0.00) based on One-Sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov Test, we used the non-parametric CE-FDH ceiling line technique. Necessary-but-not-sufficient relationships between Resiliency and the five original PERMA elements and the auxiliary components are observed. The NCA effect size range between d = 0.09 and 0.12 based on CE-FDH for the original PERMA elements and d = 0.04 to 0.12 on the supplementary elements, excluding Loneliness. According to recommendations, Positive Emotions, Meaning, Accomplishment, and Overall Well-being of Dul (2016) have medium effect sizes on Resiliency. Engagement, Positive Relationships, Negative Emotions, and Health have small effect sizes on Resiliency. The NCA significance test is powerful enough to rule out an effect being the product of randomness ( Dul et al., 2020 ). Lastly, there is no necessary-but-not-sufficient relationship between Loneliness and Resiliency.

Table 3 . Necessary conditions effect size and significance test for PERMA Profiler subscales predicting Connor-Davidson Resiliency Scale-10 (CD-RISC-10) scores.

The ability to identify bottleneck variables (constraints) is a useful feature of NCA, especially for interpreting multivariate necessary conditions ( Dul, 2019b ). Table 4 , which is read horizontally, shows for which level of resiliency, which level of PERMA elements is necessary. For a desired value of resiliency, in the first column, it shows the minimum required values of the PERMA elements in the next columns. Levels are expressed in percentage ranges so that 0 is the minimum value, the maximum is 100, and 50 is the point between these two values.

Table 4 . Bottleneck table of PERMA elements as necessary conditions of resiliency based on CE-FDH.

The bottleneck table shows that no minimum value of any PERMA element is necessary to score 30% in Resiliency. This means that at 30% no PERMA element is a bottleneck for resiliency. However, for a resiliency level of 40%, the minimum required level of Positive Emotions is 6.9%, the necessary level of Accomplishment is 3.7, 7.1% for Overall Well-being, and none of the over PERMA elements are necessary. As observed in the bottleneck table, when Resiliency increases from 0 to 100%, more PERMA elements become necessary, and required levels of the PERMA elements become higher. At 90% level of Resiliency, the necessary level of Positive Emotions is 34.5%, Engagement is 18.6%, Positive Relationships is 25.9%, Meaning is 26.7%, Accomplishment is 25.9%, Overall Well-being is 34.2%, Health is 6.7%, and Negative Emotions is 42.9%. No level of Loneliness is necessary for any level of Resiliency. Not achieving any of these minimum levels means that attaining a 90% level in resiliency is impossible. Since each condition is a bottleneck, scoring higher in other elements does not compensate for the deficiency in others.

Wide range community quarantines and social distancing are elements that are increasingly becoming the new normal as a result of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Previous research ( Hawryluck et al., 2004 ; Barbisch et al., 2015 ; Brooks et al., 2020 ; Parmet and Sinha, 2020 ) offer invaluable insights into the psychological consequences of restrictions. Moreover, while there has been an interest in the psychological impact of COVID-19 and community quarantine in the Philippines (for example, Nicomedes and Avila, 2020 ; Tee et al., 2020 ), most focus on the negative psychological impact of COVID-19. This raises the question of what protective factors are important in the midst of prolonged community quarantines. To test this properly, we used a combination of the traditional regression model and the novel multivariate necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions analysis to investigate how resiliency is contingent on well-being elements in Filipinos who are community quarantined.

Participants of this study were predominantly female, around the age of 23 and who are employed. While, we specifically targeted individuals between the ages of 18–40, most of our sample are emergent adults (mean age = 25, median, and mode ages = 23). The disproportional representation of young adult females can be attributed to several factors. First, previous studies ( Smith, 2008 ; Yetter and Capaccioli, 2010 ; Slauson-Blevins and Johnson, 2016 ) have reported that young adult females take part in online surveys at a higher frequency compared with their male counterparts. There are more female Facebook users than males ( Lee et al., 2016 ), which is significant because we invited potential participants through Facebook. Lastly, the Philippines has a young population. The median age in the Philippines is 25.7 ( United Nations Statistics Division, 2019 ; Plecher, 2020 ). Taken together, it can be assumed that the sociodemographic characteristics of our study are similar to the Filipino Facebook population.

Based on the CD-RISC-10 quartiles for community sample provided by Campbell-Sills et al. (2009) , the mean resilience score (24.83) of the current sample belongs to the lowest 25%. This implies that the participants of the current study have lower resiliency scores than the general population. This result ties well with the notion that resilience is stress-context specific ( Jex et al., 2013 ; Wood and Bhatnagar, 2015 ; Hayman et al., 2017 ) and that the nature of the sample influences resiliency scores ( Connor and Davidson, 2003 ). Specifically, people with psychiatric problems and those who are experiencing significant stress score lower than the general population ( Li et al., 2012 ; Ye et al., 2017 ). In the context of COVID-19, Nicomedes and Avila (2020) found that Filipinos in community quarantine experience significant stress and scored high on both health anxiety and panic.

While resiliency and well-being have become commonplace terms and construct central in positive psychology ( Jeste et al., 2015 ), they are often studied using correlational methods ( Schultze-Lutter et al., 2016 ), and traditional approaches via the sufficiency paradigm. In line with previous studies ( Souri and Hasanirad, 2011 ; Khawaja et al., 2017 ; van Agteren et al., 2018 ), we found that all elements of well-being are positively correlated with resiliency. Although the multiple regression test shows that among the original PERMA elements, only accomplishment is a significant predictor of resilience. This means that the subjective sense of competence, having a structure each day, i.e., identifying, setting, and achieving daily goals enable resiliency in individuals subjected to quarantine. We also observed that negative emotions significantly, although negatively predict resilience. This suggests the significant predicting function of individuals’ tendency to experience anxiety and anger for lower levels of resilience. These findings support the previously reported ( Tugade and Fredrickson, 2004 ; Chen et al., 2018 ) link between negative emotions and low levels of resilience.

In this paper, we identified elements of well-being that are necessary-but-not-sufficient for resiliency to occur in individuals who are community quarantined. Specifically, Positive Emotions, Meaning, and Accomplishment are significant and moderately necessary conditions of Resiliency, as suggested by their medium effect size. This finding suggests that positive feelings like interest, joy, and contentment and pursuing a daily purpose, and regularly experiencing a sense of accomplishment are essential to quarantined individuals’ ability to thrive in their present predicament. Such necessary conditions not only allow individuals to enjoy everyday experiences ( Abiola et al., 2017 ) but also provide a sense that life matter, which replenishes depleted energy from adverse experiences, and are required in the development of resiliency.

Engagement and Positive Relationships have small yet significant effect sizes on Resiliency. This infers that experiencing a state of “flow,” or being absorbed in an activity ( Nakamura and Csikszentmihalyi, 2014 ) and feeling loved, supported, and valued by others are also necessary to the quarantined individuals’ capacity to recover quickly from their daily difficulties. This ties well with previous studies ( Eaude, 2009 ; Svence et al., 2015 ; Abiola et al., 2017 ; Gerino et al., 2017 ; Roncaglia, 2017 ; Cobo-Rendón et al., 2020 ), where well-being elements were observed to be related with the occurrence of resiliency in individuals from a different context. Well-being elements allow quarantined individuals to focus their attention on alleviating harm, preventing negative mental health consequences, and finding positive outcomes in the presence of difficulty.

A unique finding, we encountered is that PERMA elements are bottleneck variables of resiliency. This highlights the little-known capacity of well-being to serve as a constraint to attaining higher levels of resiliency in community-quarantined individuals. This novel result shows two things. First, low levels of resiliency (30% and less) do not necessitate even the slightest well-being elements. Second, higher levels of resiliency require certain levels of all the original PERMA elements and physical health. However, health remains a constant, albeit weak, necessary condition. This means that optimum resiliency is only possible when all the five pillars of well-being are taken care of and when one is at least minimally content with their physical health. When comparing our results to those of older studies ( Sanders et al., 2015 ; Svence et al., 2015 ; Abiola et al., 2017 ). It must be pointed out that while the link between well-being and resiliency has been suggested in these studies, none could establish the necessary-but-not-sufficient relationship between the concepts. The present findings underpin the importance of holistic rather than an atomistic approach to mental health as noted by Mario (2012) and contradicts the compensation hypothesis of well-being. NCA revealed that deficiencies in certain areas of well-being may not be addressed by overcompensating in other areas, as all five pillars of well-being are necessary-but-not-sufficient conditions of resiliency.

Our findings show that loneliness is inversely correlated with the subjective perception of health. This basic result is consistent with the research ( Balter et al., 2019 ) showing that loneliness predicts poor immune systems in healthy young adults. This is important since maintaining good health is vital amidst a growing viral pandemic. We observed that loneliness is a significant negative predictor of resiliency and not a necessary condition for any level of resiliency in individuals who are community quarantined. A similar conclusion was reached by Perron et al. (2014) where individuals who feel resilient also experience less loneliness. This further highlights the importance of the elements of well-being as necessary conditions of resiliency, which may lessen the effects of or serve as a buffer against loneliness and other negative psychological consequences of quarantine.

The overall results of our study have theoretical and practical implications. At a theoretical level, our results found clear support to PERMA concept of Seligman (2011) as necessary ingredients of resiliency even for socially isolated individuals such as those placed in ECQ. This goes beyond previous reports wherein PERMA elements were observed as predictors of resiliency, as only NCA can identify a necessary-but-not-sufficient relationship between the said variables. Despite experiencing segregation like lockdowns, the conditions that will allow people to thrive in the face of adversity are the same as when they are not undergoing such a predicament. Therefore, this finding can help us understand how the five elements of well-being constrain the negative psychological consequences of community quarantine by providing a buffer against these harms, reducing their effects, and promoting individual capacity to cope with such unsettling conditions. From this standpoint, we speculate that PERMA should be inversely correlated with negative indicators of mental health and correspondingly with other elements of positive psychological health, as noted by Hu et al. (2015) . At a practical level, this opens an opportunity to develop evidence-based interventions such as telepsychology ( Zhou et al., 2020 ) for quarantined individuals that help clients understand behaviors they need to engage to have resiliency, and target multiple necessary-but-not-sufficient variables jointly, and not just focus on certain elements of well-being. This provides support for eclectic approaches to therapy especially the ones that incorporate positive psychology as Bolier et al. (2013) noted empirical support for the effectiveness of such interventions. Lastly, our findings agree with the call to a more inclusive psychology in the Philippines. This paradigm shift involves incorporating such approaches as critical ( Paredes-Canilao et al., 2015 ) and positive ( Datu et al., 2018 ) psychology to the prevailing traditional pathology-based perspective.

One fundamental limitation of this study is that the use of multiple regression and NCA cannot guarantee causality ( Dul, 2016 ). While our data is consistent with the causal hypothesis, it is not evidence of a causal connection. Therefore, causal necessary-but-not-sufficient relations should not be inferred from our data. Another important caveat in interpreting our results is that we used the Facebook population as compared to the actual geographical population. It is not a perfect representative since Facebook users are usually younger females who have better educational attainment compared to the general population ( Kosinski et al., 2015 ). Resiliency and well-being were measured during the ECQ, a far from normal situation. Therefore, although we took obligatory safety measures to increase the trustworthiness of the findings, we suggest that care be exercised when generalizing our findings into the general population and normal circumstances.

Many questions remain to be answered concerning the well-being of people who are community quarantined and the utility of NCA in psychological research. Further work is needed to identify the negative consequences of prolonged quarantine on individuals, especially those who have preexisting mental health problems and those who experience a disruption in access to their mental health-care providers. Moreover Odacı and Kalkan (2010) reported that internet use, specifically social media ( Maglunog and Dy, 2019 ) exacerbates loneliness and that social media usage is expected to rise during the ECQ. Another important question, therefore, is how does the ongoing quarantine affects rates and levels of loneliness. Finally, while necessary conditions are traditionally studied using regression analysis in psychological research, NCA proved to be a more useful tool in understanding necessary-but-not-sufficient relationships because of its ability to understand bottleneck variables. We, therefore, recommend the use of NCA in both classical and novel psychological research problems.

Resiliency grants us the capacity to flourish in the face of difficulty. For resiliency to result, the pillars of well-being are essential. Our research reveals, however, that well-being elements could be enablers or constraints. Accomplishment, for example, could predict resiliency. All pillars are necessary to attain it. Compensating in certain aspects cannot address the deficiency in others. Herein lies the importance and significance of holistic well-being. Those who can attain this are better equipped to thrive in the ECQ, a situation that affects the lives of so many Filipinos.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/ Supplementary Material , further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Manila Tytana Colleges Research Ethics Committee. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

DC wrote the introduction, results, and discussion and conducted the necessary condition analysis. LB wrote the methods, contributed in the results and discussion, and conducted the correlation analysis, regression analysis, and reliability check of the scales. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Supplementary Material

The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.558930/full#supplementary-material

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Keywords: positive psychology, well-being, resilience, PERMA, COVID-19, necessary conditions and sufficient conditions for optimality, necessary condition analysis, Philippines

Citation: Camitan DS IV and Bajin LN (2021) The Importance of Well-Being on Resiliency of Filipino Adults During the COVID-19 Enhanced Community Quarantine: A Necessary Condition Analysis. Front. Psychol . 12:558930. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2021.558930

Received: 04 May 2020; Accepted: 01 March 2021; Published: 22 March 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Camitan and Bajin. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Desiderio S. Camitan IV, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Coronavirus Disease 2019

Filipino responses to covid-19, research documents filipino panic responses to the global pandemic..

Posted April 30, 2020 | Reviewed by Kaja Perina

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By Georgina Fairbrother

A recent study explored panic responses to COVID-19 in the Philippines. COVID-19 has been declared a global pandemic and has caused mass lockdowns and closures across the globe. An angle relatively unexplored amidst this global pandemic is the impact of COVID-19 on mental health. The survey conducted was a mixed-method study that gathered qualitative and quantitative data in order to better explore the different dimensions of panic responses.

The survey was conducted through convenience sampling by online forms due to government-mandated limitations of social contact and urgency. The online survey ran for three days and gathered 538 responses. The average age of a survey participant was 23.82, with participants ranging in ages from 13-67. 47% of those who completed the survey were working, 45.4% were students and 7.6% were not working. Of those who completed the survey, 1.3% had witnessed direct exposure to a COVID-19 patient, while 26% had witnessed exposure within their community, and 72.7% had not been exposed.

For purposes of the survey, the Health Anxiety Inventory (HAI) Short Week was adapted in order to test illness anxiety on COVID-19 amongst Filipinos. The HAI had four main sections used in this survey: 1) Symptoms of health anxiety (hypochondriasis), 2) Attitudes towards how awful it would be to develop COVID-19, 3) Avoidance, and 4) Reassurance. Responses to questions answered within these areas were scored on a 0-3 basis, compromising the quantitative portion of the study. To complete the qualitative section of the survey three open-ended questions were used. The open-ended questions used for qualitative purposes in this survey were:

“1. What came to your mind when you knew the existence of COVID-19? 2. How do you feel when you know the existence of COVID-19? 3. What actions have you done with the knowledge of existence of COVID-19?”

Upon completion of the survey, researchers were able to analyze data in regard to five different areas. First, researchers discovered that it was very evident that respondents were experiencing moderate illness anxiety in all four aspects listed by HAI. Secondly, by comparing locations, researchers also discovered that respondents residing in Metro Manilla exhibited less avoidance behavior compared to respondents residing outside Metro Manilla. While there is no definitive reason for this result, speculation looms around education , awareness, and proximity to COVID-19 cases. Thirdly, researchers looked at occupation, but determined illness anxiety was present regardless of occupation. Fourthly, researchers determined that respondents who had been in direct contact with those having COVID-19 were more likely to exhibit symptoms of hypochondriasis compared to respondents who had not witnessed or contacted anyone with COVID-19.

The fifth area that researchers explored upon completion of this survey was that of feeling, thinking, and behavior in response to COVID-19. Nineteen different themes were ranked by 100 experts based on their positivity and negativity. The themes included items such as the following: Health Consciousness, Optimism , Cautiousness, Protection, Compliance, Composure, Information Dissemination, Worry on self/family/others, Relating to Past Pandemics, Anxiety, Government Blaming, Shock, Transmission of Virus, Fear, Sadness, Paranoia , Nihilism, Annihilation, and Indifference. Upon completion of the survey, the highest-scoring themes amongst respondents included Fear, Social Distancing, Health Consciousness, and Information Dissemination. Meanwhile, the lowest-scoring themes included Indifference and Nihilism.

Overall, COVID-19 has become a global pandemic that is continuing to move and spread across the world. In the aftermath of this pandemic, it will be interesting to compare the panic responses of different countries. The Philippines approaches this study from a more socially collectivist perspective. With that being said, it was reported that the Philippines leaned towards more individualistic tendencies in times of fear. Another area to look deeper into would include how panic responses change from the initial shock of COVID-19 to lockdown phases to re-emergence phases.

Georgina Fairbrother is a current master’s student in the Humanitarian and Disaster Leadership program at Wheaton College. Prior to her master’s degree, she received a bachelor’s degree in Global Security and Intelligence studies from Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University.

Nicomedes, C. J., & Avila, R. (2020). An Analysis on the Panic of Filipinos During COVID-19 Pandemic in the Philippines. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.17355.54565

Jamie Aten , Ph.D. , is the founder and executive director of the Humanitarian Disaster Institute at Wheaton College.

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Paghuhugas ng mga kamay mo gamit ang sabon at tubig ng hindi bababa sa 20 segundo.
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Magtrabaho kasama ng komunidad mo para pag-usapan ang mga leksiyon na natutunan mo mula sa pandemya. Magpasya kung paano mo magagamit ang mga karanasang ito para maging mas handa sa mga pandemya sa hinaharap.
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The Philippines’ Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: Learning from Experience and Emerging Stronger to Future Shocks

Celia M. Reyes
COVID-19 pandemic
whole-of-government approach
COVID-19 policy responses
macroeconomic response
public health shock
Philippine economy
crisis response
food security
overseas Filipino workers
human development
income distribution
basic education
crisis communication
risk communication
COVID-19 recovery
local government units
fiscal response to pandemic

The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic hit the Philippine economy and society unprecedentedly. To protect the people, the government had to act decisively and identify solutions to contain the rapid spread of the virus and the devastating economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic. This book compiles papers assessing the strategies, policies, and recovery efforts that the government had implemented during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic. It discusses the challenges that the country had experienced and the government's responses in the areas of health, macroeconomy, food security, labor, social protection, poverty, education, digitalization, fiscal policy, and crisis and risk communication. Learning from these experiences, this book provides recommendations to help the Philippines recover from the current crisis and build better resilience to future shocks.

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Alviar, DC. 2023. Sapat ba ang teknolohiya upang epektibong magturo? Mga aral mula sa PIDS . Tutubi News Magazine.
Daily Guardian . 2024. COVID-19 school closures led to significant learning losses – expert . DailyGuardian .
Manila Standard Business. 2023. PIDS: Technology key to learning amid crises . Manila Standard.
Nazario, Dhel. 2023. NAST PHL set to introduce new members, recognize outstanding Filipino scientists . Manila Bulletin.

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The Philippine economy under the pandemic: From Asian tiger to sick man again?

Subscribe to the center for asia policy studies bulletin, ronald u. mendoza ronald u. mendoza dean and professor, ateneo school of government - ateneo de manila university.

August 2, 2021

In 2019, the Philippines was one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It finally shed its “sick man of Asia” reputation obtained during the economic collapse towards the end of the Ferdinand Marcos regime in the mid-1980s. After decades of painstaking reform — not to mention paying back debts incurred under the dictatorship — the country’s economic renaissance took root in the decade prior to the pandemic. Posting over 6 percent average annual growth between 2010 and 2019 (computed from the Philippine Statistics Authority data on GDP growth rates at constant 2018 prices), the Philippines was touted as the next Asian tiger economy .

That was prior to COVID-19.

The rude awakening from the pandemic was that a services- and remittances-led growth model doesn’t do too well in a global disease outbreak. The Philippines’ economic growth faltered in 2020 — entering negative territory for the first time since 1999 — and the country experienced one of the deepest contractions in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) that year (Figure 1).

Figure 1: GDP growth for selected ASEAN countries

And while the government forecasts a slight rebound in 2021, some analysts are concerned over an uncertain and weak recovery, due to the country’s protracted lockdown and inability to shift to a more efficient containment strategy. The Philippines has relied instead on draconian mobility restrictions across large sections of the country’s key cities and growth hubs every time a COVID-19 surge threatens to overwhelm the country’s health system.

What went wrong?

How does one of the fastest growing economies in Asia falter? It would be too simplistic to blame this all on the pandemic.

First, the Philippines’ economic model itself appears more vulnerable to disease outbreak. It is built around the mobility of people, yet tourism, services, and remittances-fed growth are all vulnerable to pandemic-induced lockdowns and consumer confidence decline. International travel plunged, tourism came to a grinding halt, and domestic lockdowns and mobility restrictions crippled the retail sector, restaurants, and hospitality industry. Fortunately, the country’s business process outsourcing (BPO) sector is demonstrating some resilience — yet its main markets have been hit heavily by the pandemic, forcing the sector to rapidly upskill and adjust to emerging opportunities under the new normal.

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Second, pandemic handling was also problematic. Lockdown is useful if it buys a country time to strengthen health systems and test-trace-treat systems. These are the building blocks of more efficient containment of the disease. However, if a country fails to strengthen these systems, then it squanders the time that lockdown affords it. This seems to be the case for the Philippines, which made global headlines for implementing one of the world’s longest lockdowns during the pandemic, yet failed to flatten its COVID-19 curve.

At the time of writing, the Philippines is again headed for another hard lockdown and it is still trying to graduate to a more efficient containment strategy amidst rising concerns over the delta variant which has spread across Southeast Asia . It seems stuck with on-again, off-again lockdowns, which are severely damaging to the economy, and will likely create negative expectations for future COVID-19 surges (Figure 2).

Figure 2 clarifies how the Philippine government resorted to stricter lockdowns to temper each surge in COVID-19 in the country so far.

Figure 2: Community quarantine regimes during the COVID-19 pandemic, Philippine National Capital Region (NCR ), March 2020 to June 2021

If the delta variant and other possible variants are near-term threats, then the lack of efficient containment can be expected to force the country back to draconian mobility restrictions as a last resort. Meanwhile, only two months of social transfers ( ayuda ) were provided by the central government during 16 months of lockdown by mid-2021. All this puts more pressure on an already weary population reeling from deep recession, job displacement, and long-term risks on human development . Low social transfers support in the midst of joblessness and rising hunger is also likely to weaken compliance with mobility restriction policies.

Third, the Philippines suffered from delays in its vaccination rollout which was initially hobbled by implementation and supply issues, and later affected by lingering vaccine hesitancy . These are all likely to delay recovery in the Philippines.

By now there are many clear lessons both from the Philippine experience and from emerging international best practices. In order to mount a more successful economic recovery, the Philippines must address the following key policy issues:

Build a more efficient containment strategy particularly against the threat of possible new variants principally by strengthening the test-trace-treat system. Based on lessons from other countries, test-trace-treat systems usually also involve comprehensive mass-testing strategies to better inform both the public and private sectors on the true state of infections among the population. In addition, integrated mobility databases (not fragmented city-based ones) also capacitate more effective and timely tracing. This kind of detailed and timely data allows for government and the private sector to better coordinate on nuanced containment strategies that target areas and communities that need help due to outbreak risk. And unlike a generalized lockdown, this targeted and data-informed strategy could allow other parts of the economy to remain more open than otherwise.
Strengthen the sufficiency and transparency of direct social protection in order to give immediate relief to poor and low-income households already severely impacted by the mishandling of the pandemic. This requires a rebalancing of the budget in favor of education, health, and social protection spending, in lieu of an over-emphasis on build-build-build infrastructure projects. This is also an opportunity to enhance the social protection system to create a safety net and concurrent database that covers not just the poor but also the vulnerable low- and lower-middle- income population. The chief concern here would be to introduce social protection innovations that prevent middle income Filipinos from sliding into poverty during a pandemic or other crisis.
Ramp-up vaccination to cover at least 70 percent of the population as soon as possible, and enlist the further support of the private sector and civil society in order to keep improving vaccine rollout. An effective communications campaign needs to be launched to counteract vaccine hesitancy, building on trustworthy institutions (like academia, the Catholic Church, civil society and certain private sector partners) in order to better protect the population against the threat of delta or another variant affecting the Philippines. It will also help if parts of government could stop the politically-motivated fearmongering on vaccines, as had occurred with the dengue fever vaccine, Dengvaxia, which continues to sow doubts and fears among parts of the population .
Create a build-back-better strategy anchored on universal and inclusive healthcare. Among other things, such a strategy should a) acknowledge the critically important role of the private sector and civil society in pandemic response and healthcare sector cooperation, and b) underpin pandemic response around lasting investments in institutions and technology that enhance contact tracing (e-platforms), testing (labs), and universal healthcare with lower out-of-pocket costs and higher inclusivity. The latter requires a more inclusive, well-funded, and better-governed health insurance system.

As much of ASEAN reels from the spread of the delta variant, it is critical that the Philippines takes these steps to help allay concerns over the country’s preparedness to handle new variants emerging, while also recalibrating expectations in favor of resuscitating its economy. Only then can the Philippines avoid becoming the sick man of Asia again, and return to the rapid and steady growth of the pre-pandemic decade.

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$Exploring the Online Learning Experience of Filipino College Students During Covid\u002D19 Pandemic Image$

This study was endeavored to understand the online learning experience of Filipino college students enrolled in the academic year 2020-2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic. The data were obtained through an open-ended qualitative survey. The responses were analyzed and interpreted using thematic analysis. A total of 71 Filipino college students from state and local universities in the Philippines participated in this study. Four themes were classified from the collected data: (1) negative views toward online schooling, (2) positive views toward online schooling, (3) difficulties encountered in online schooling, and (4) motivation to continue studying. The results showed that although many Filipino college students find online learning amid the COVID-19 pandemic to be a positive experience such as it provides various conveniences, eliminates the necessity of public transportation amid the COVID-19 pandemic, among others, a more significant number of respondents believe otherwise. The majority of the respondents shared a general difficulty adjusting toward the new online learning setup because of problems related to technology and Internet connectivity, mental health, finances, and time and space management. A large portion of students also got their motivation to continue studying despite the pandemic from fear of being left behind, parental persuasion, and aspiration to help the family.

Cultural Activities, Legal and Public Policy of Bali on Desa Pakraman and the Response of Prajuru the Traditional Village Management Kuta Image

Mental Health Equity of Filipino Communities in COVID-19: A Framework for Practice and Advocacy

Volume 11 - Issue 1

Christian D. Chan, Stacey Diane Arañez Litam

The emergence and global spread of COVID-19 precipitated a massive public health crisis combined with multiple incidents of racial discrimination and violence toward Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) communities. Although East Asian communities are more frequently targeted for instances of pandemic-related racial discrimination, multiple disparities converge upon Filipino communities that affect their access to mental health care in light of COVID-19. This article empowers professional counselors to support the Filipino community by addressing three main areas: (a) describing how COVID-19 contributes to racial microaggressions and institutional racism toward Filipino communities; (b) underscoring how COVID-19 exacerbates exposure to stressors and disparities that influence help-seeking behaviors and utilization of counseling among Filipinos; and (c) outlining how professional counselors can promote racial socialization, outreach, and mental health equity with Filipino communities to mitigate the effects of COVID-19.

Keywords : Asian American, Filipino, mental health equity, COVID-19, discrimination

Asian Americans represent the fastest-growing ethnic group in the United States (Budiman et al., 2019). Following the global outbreak of COVID-19, many Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) have experienced a substantial increase in race-based hate incidents. These incidents of racial discrimination have included verbal harassment, physical attacks, and discrimination against Asian-owned businesses (Jeung & Nham, 2020), which multiply the harmful effects on psychological well-being and life satisfaction among AAPIs (Litam & Oh, 2020). According to Pew Research Center trends (Ruiz et al., 2020), about three in 10 Asian adults reported they experienced racial discrimination since the outbreak began. Proliferation of anti-Chinese and xenophobic hate speech from political leaders, news outlets, and social media, which touted COVID-19 as the “Chinese virus,” further exacerbate instances of race-based discrimination (U.S. Department of Justice, 2020) and echo the Yellow Peril discourse from the late 19th century (Litam, 2020; Poon, 2020).

Although the community is often aggregated, Asian Americans are not a monolithic entity (Choi et al., 2017; Jones-Smith, 2019; Sue et al., 2019). The term Asian American encompasses over 40 distinct subgroups, each with distinct languages, cultures, beliefs, and migration histories (Pew Research Center, 2013; Sue et al., 2019). It is no surprise, therefore, that specific ethnic subgroups would be more affected by the pandemic than others. For example, instances of COVID-19–related racial discrimination disproportionately affect East Asian communities, specifically Chinese migrants and Chinese Americans. An analysis of nearly 1,500 reports of anti-Asian hate incidents indicated approximately 40% of Chinese individuals reported experiences of discrimination as compared to 16% of Korean individuals and 5.5% of Filipinos (Jeung & Nham, 2020). Although Chinese individuals disproportionately experience overt forms of COVID-19–related discrimination, Filipino migrants and Filipino Americans are not immune to the deleterious effects of the pandemic.

With over 4 million people of Filipino descent residing in the United States (Asian Journal Press, 2018), it is of paramount importance for professional counselors to recognize how the Filipino American experience may compound with additional COVID-19 exposure and related stressors in unique ways that distinctively impact their experiences of stress and mental health. The current article identifies how the racialized climate of COVID-19 influences Filipino-specific microaggressions and the presence of systemic and institutional racism toward Filipino communities. The ways in which COVID-19 exacerbates existing racial disparities across social determinants of health, help-seeking behaviors, and utilization of counseling services are described. Finally, the implications for counseling practice and advocacy are presented in ways that can embolden professional counselors to promote racial socialization, outreach, and health equity with Filipino communities to mitigate the effects of COVID-19.

Health Disparities Among Filipino Americans

The unprecedented emergence of COVID-19 has affected the global community. As of January 5, 2021, a total of 21,382,296 cases were confirmed and 362,972 deaths had been reported in the United States (Worldometer, n.d.). Although information about how racial and ethnic groups are affected by the pandemic is forthcoming, emerging data suggests that specific groups are disproportionately affected. Professional counselors must be prepared to support communities that may be more vulnerable to pandemic-related stress and face challenges related to medical and mental health care access because of intersecting marginalized identities, such as age, race, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual identity, social class, and migration history (Chan & Henesy, 2018; Chan et al., 2019; Litam & Hipolito-Delgado, 2021). For example, the AAPI population may be especially in need of mental health support because of ongoing xenophobic sentiments from political leaders that combine with intergenerational trauma, racial discrimination, and racial trauma (Litam, 2020).

Underutilization of Mental Health Services Compared to other Asian American subgroups, Filipinos are the least likely to seek professional mental health services. In a study of 2,230 Filipinos, approximately 73% had never used any type of mental health service and only 17% sought help from friends, community members, peers, and religious or spiritual leaders (Gong et al., 2003). Since the Gong et al. (2003) study, a multitude of researchers have documented the persistent disparity of mental health usage and unfavorable attitudes toward professional help-seeking among Filipinos (David & Nadal, 2013; David et al., 2019; Nadal, 2021; Tuazon et al., 2019), despite high rates of psychological distress (Martinez et al., 2020).

The experiences of Filipino communities uniquely influence aspects of mental health and wellness. Compared to other subgroups of Asian Americans, Filipino Americans with post-traumatic stress experiences tend to exhibit poorer health (Kim et al., 2012; Klest et al., 2013), and report higher rates of racial discrimination (Li, 2014). As a subgroup, Filipino Americans present to mental health counseling settings with high rates of depression, suicide, HIV, unintended pregnancy, eating disorders, and drug use (David et al., 2017; Klest et al., 2013; Nadal, 2000, 2021). Compared to other Asian subgroups, Filipinos may experience lower social class and employment statuses, which may increase the prevalence of mental health issues (Araneta, 1993). Among Filipinos, intergenerational cultural conflicts and experiences of racial discrimination were identified as significant contributors to depression and suicidal ideation (Choi et al., 2020). The underutilization of professional mental health services and help-seeking among Filipino communities is unusual because of their familiarity with Western notions, systems, and institutions, which surface as traits that are typically associated with mental health help-seeking within the broader AAPI community (Abe-Kim et al., 2002, 2004; Shea & Yeh, 2008).

Distinct Experiences of Oppression Aspects of Filipino history are characterized by colonization, oppression, and intergenerational racial trauma (David & Nadal, 2013) and have been rewritten by White voices in ways that communicate how America saved the Philippines from Spanish rule through colonization (Ocampo, 2016). These sentiments remain deeply entrenched within the mindset of many Filipinos in the form of colonial mentality (David & Nadal, 2013; Tuazon et al., 2019). Colonial mentality refers to the socialized and oppressive mindset characterized by beliefs about the superiority of American values and denigration of Filipino culture and self (David & Okazaki, 2006a, 2006b). Colonial mentality is the insidious aftermath galvanized through years of intergenerational trauma, U.S. occupation, and socialization under White supremacy (David et al., 2017). Professional counselors must recognize the interplay between colonial mentality and the mental health and well-being of Filipino clients to best support this unique population.

The internalized experiences of oppression perpetuate the denigration of Filipinos by Filipinos as a result of the internalized anti-Black sentiments and notions of White supremacy that remain at the forefront of American history (Ocampo, 2016). The Filipino experience is one that is characterized by forms of discrimination by individuals who reside both within and outside of the Filipino community (Nadal, 2021). For example, Filipinos who espouse a colonial mentality disparage those with Indigenous Filipino traits (i.e., dark skin and textured hair) as unattractive, undesirable, and worthy of shame (Angan, 2013; David, 2020; Mendoza, 2014). Filipinos also experience a sense of otherness within the AAPI community and from other communities of color because their history, culture, and phenotype combine in ways that “break the rules of race” (Ocampo, 2016, p. 13). Although Filipinos are sometimes confused with individuals from Chinese communities, they are not typically perceived as Asian or East Asian (Lee, 2020) and are often mistaken for Black or Latinx (Ocampo, 2016; Sanchez & Gaw, 2007). These pervasive experiences render the Filipino identity invisible (Nadal, 2021). Ultimately, Filipinos remain among the most mislabeled and culturally marginalized of Asian Americans (Sanchez & Gaw, 2007). Professional counselors who work with Filipino clients must obtain a deeper understanding of how these unique experiences of invisibility and colonial mentality continue to affect the minds and the worldviews of Filipinos and Filipino Americans.

Risk Factors for COVID-19 Exposure The burgeoning rate of COVID-19 cases has devastated hospitals and medical settings. The overwhelming strain faced by medical communities uniquely affects Filipino migrants and Filipino Americans who are overrepresented in health care and disproportionately at risk of COVID-19 exposure (National Nurses United, 2020). The overrepresentation of Filipinos in health care, particularly within the nursing profession, is directly tied to the history of U.S. colonization. Following the U.S. occupation of the Philippines from 1899 to 1946, the Filipino zeitgeist became imbued with profound cultural notions of American superiority and affinity for Westernized attitudes, behaviors, and values (David et al., 2017). For example, the introduction of the American nursing curricula by U.S. Army personnel during the Spanish-American war (McFarling, 2020) instilled pervasive cultural influences that positioned the nursing profession as a viable strategy to escape political and economic instability in pursuit of a better life in the United States (Choy, 2003). These cultural notions have culminated to make the Philippines the leading exporter of nurses in the world (Choy, 2003; Espiritu, 2016). Of the immigrant health care workers across the United States, an estimated 28% of registered nurses, 4% of physicians and surgeons, and 12% of home health aides are Filipinos (Batalova, 2020). About 150,000 registered nurses in the United States are Filipino, equating to about 4% of the overall nursing population (McFarling, 2020; National Nurses United, 2020). According to the National Nurses United (2020) report, 31.5% of deaths among registered nurses and 54% of deaths among registered nurses of color were Filipinos. Based on these statistics, Filipinos face disproportionate exposure to pandemic-related stressors and death that may increase the risk for mental health issues.

Individuals of Filipino descent may also face significant COVID-19–related challenges, as they are predisposed to several health conditions that have been linked with poorer treatment prognosis and outcomes (Ghimire et al., 2018; Maxwell et al., 2012). Compared to other racial and ethnic subgroups, Filipinos residing in California had higher rates of type II diabetes, asthma, and cardiovascular disease (Adia et al., 2020). High rates of hypertension, cholesterol, and diabetes were also noted in studies of Filipino Americans residing in the greater Philadelphia region (Bhimla et al., 2017) and in Las Vegas, Nevada (Ghimire et al., 2018). One study of Filipinos residing in the New York metropolitan area indicated rates of obesity significantly increased the longer Filipino immigrants resided in the United States (Afable et al., 2016). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2021) associated each of these underlying medical conditions with a greater likelihood for hospitalization, intensive care, use of a ventilator, and increased mortality. Filipino Americans also tend to report lower social class and employment statuses as compared to other Asian Americans, which may contribute to higher rates of mental health issues and create barriers to health care access (Adia et al., 2020; Sue et al., 2019).

Cultural Barriers to Professional Mental Health Services Filipinos face culturally rooted barriers to seeking professional mental health services that may include fears related to reputation, endorsement of fatalistic attitudes, religiousness, communication barriers, and lack of culturally competent services (Gong et al., 2003; Nadal, 2021; Pacquiao, 2004). The presence of mental illness stigma is also deeply entrenched within Filipino communities (Appel et al., 2011; Augsberger et al., 2015; Tuazon et al., 2019). In many traditional Filipino families, mental illness is mitigated by addressing personal and emotional problems with family and close friends, and through faith in God (David & Nadal, 2013). Rejection of mental illness is based on the belief that individuals who receive counseling or therapy are crazy, dangerous, and unpredictable (de Torres, 2002; Nadal, 2021).

Connection and Kinship Given the central prominence of family, it is no surprise that Filipino individuals’ mental health begins to suffer when their connection to community and kinship is compromised. Although relatively few studies on Filipino mental health exist, Filipinos and Filipino Americans consistently report family-related issues as among the most stressful. In one study of Filipino and Korean families in the Midwest ( N = 1,574), the presence of intergenerational family conflict significantly contributed to an increase in depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation (Choi et al., 2020). In another study of Filipino Americans, quality time with family, friends, and community was identified as an important factor in mitigating the effects of depression (Edman & Johnson, 1999). The centralized role of Filipino families uniquely combines with a group mentality in ways that may additionally hinder rates of professional help-seeking.

Hiya and Amor Propio Notions of hiya and amor propio each represent culturally specific barriers to seeking mental health care. According to Gong and colleagues (2003), hiya and amor propio are related to the East Asian notions of saving face. While hiya emphasizes the more extensive experience of shame that arises from fear of losing face, amor propio is associated with concepts of self-esteem linked to the desire to maintain social acceptance. A loss of amor propio would result in a loss of face and may compromise the cherished position of community acceptance (Gong et al., 2003). Filipino Americans may thus avoid seeking professional mental health services because of combined feelings of shame ( hiya ) linked to beliefs that one has failed or is unable to overcome their problems independently, and fears of losing social positioning within one’s community ( amor propio ). To experience amor propio would put a Filipino—or worse, their family—at risk for tsismis , or gossip. Indeed, avoiding behaviors that may lead others within the Filipino community to engage in tsismis about the client or their family is a significant factor that guides choices and behaviors. Engaging in behaviors that result in one’s family becoming the focus of tsismis is considered highly shameful and reprehensible among Filipino communities.

Bahala Na The Tagalog term bahala na refers to the sense of optimistic fatalism that characterizes the shared experiences of many Filipinos and Filipino Americans. Bahala na can be evidenced through Filipino cultural expectations to endure emotional problems and avoid discussion of personal issues. This core attitude may have deleterious effects on mental health and help-seeking, as many Filipinos are socialized to deny or minimize stressful experiences or to simply endure emotional problems (Araneta, 1993; Sanchez & Gaw, 2007). A qualitative analysis of 33 interviews and 18 focus groups of Filipino Americans indicated bahala na may combine with religious beliefs to create additional barriers to addressing mental health problems (Javier et al., 2014). For example, virtuous and religious Filipinos and Filipino Americans may endorse bahala na attitudes by believing their higher power has instilled purposeful challenges that can be overcome by sufficient faith and endurance (Javier et al., 2014).

Hindi Ibang Tao Moreover, many Filipinos and Filipino Americans demonstrate hesitance to trust individuals who are considered outsiders. When interactions with those considered other cannot be avoided, traditional Filipinos tend to be reticent, conceal their real emotions, and avoid disclosure of personal thoughts, needs, and beliefs (Pasco et al., 2004). Filipino community members place a large value on in-group versus out-group members and largely prefer to seek support from helping professionals within the Filipino community, rather than from others outside of the group (Gong et al., 2003). Individuals who are hindi ibang tao (in Tagalog, “one of us”) are differentiated from those who are ibang tao (in Tagalog, “not one of us”), which influences interactions and amount of trust given to health care providers (Sanchez & Gaw, 2007). White counselors may be able to bridge the cultural gap with Filipino clients to become hindi ibang tao by exhibiting respect, approachability, and a willingness to consider the specific influences of Filipino history and the importance of family (Sanchez & Gaw, 2007). Professional counselors who overlook, minimize, or disregard these cultural values risk higher rates of early termination and may experience their Filipino clients as exhibiting little emotion (Nadal, 2021). Filipino clients who are not yet comfortable with professional counselors may interact in a polite, yet superficial manner because culturally responsive relationships and trust have not been developed (Gong et al., 2003; Pasco et al., 2004; Tuazon et al., 2019).

Pakikisama and Kapwa Another Filipino cultural barrier is pakikisama , or the notion that when one belongs to a group, one should be wholly dedicated to pleasing the group (Bautista, 1999; Nadal, 2021). Filipino core values extend beyond the general notion of collectivism and include kapwa, an Indigenous worldview in which the self is not distinguished from others (David et al., 2017; Enriquez, 2010). Thus, Filipinos do not solely act in ways that benefit the group; they are also expected to make decisions that please other group members, even at the expense of their own desires, needs, or mental health (Nadal, 2021). The cultural notions of pakikisama and kapwa interplay with amor propio in ways that have detrimental effects on Filipinos in dire need of mental health support. For example, a second-generation Filipino American may recognize that their suicidal thoughts and experiences of depression may be worthy of mental health support, but recognition of cultural mistrust toward those deemed other may risk their family’s social acceptance ( amor propio ). Risking the family’s social acceptance could ultimately violate group wishes ( pakikisama ) and may subject their family to stigma and gossip ( tsismis ).

Implications for Practice and Advocacy in Professional Counseling

The COVID-19 pandemic and increased visibility to discrimination against Asian Americans illuminates the importance of addressing the presence of mental health barriers among Filipino communities. Filipino communities face complex barriers rooted in colonialism, racism, and colorism that negatively affect their overall mental health (David & Nadal, 2013; Tuazon et al., 2019; Woo et al., 2020). The combination of educational, health, and welfare disparities culminate in poorer health outcomes for Filipino American communities compared to other ethnic Asian groups (Adia et al., 2020). Many of these identifiable barriers and forces of oppression increase the racial trauma narratives incurred among Filipino communities (David et al., 2017; Klest et al., 2013); deny the impact of microaggressions and discrimination (Nadal et al., 2014); divest resources that support economic, educational, and social well-being (Nadal, 2021; Smith & Weinstock, 2019); and discourage the utilization of needed counseling spaces (Tuazon et al., 2019).

Cultivating cultural sensitivity in health care providers can buffer the psychological toll and emotional consequences of negative health care encounters for historically marginalized communities (Flynn et al., 2020), including Filipinos. Findings associated with health equity and help-seeking behaviors (e.g., Flynn et al., 2020; Ghimire et al., 2018) have significant ramifications for Filipino communities that face a litany of barriers to counseling services (Gong et al., 2003; Tuazon et al., 2019). In light of COVID-19, professional counselors are encouraged to employ culturally responsive interpersonal and systemic interventions that promote the sustainable mental health equity of Filipino communities.

Promoting Racial Socialization and Critical Consciousness Reducing barriers for mental health access is connected to protective factors, actions, and cultural capital instilled across generations of Filipino communities (David et al., 2017). Filipino communities draw from several generations of colonization, which continues to affect second-generation Filipinos living in the United States (David & Okazaki, 2006a, 2006b). Experiences of historical colonization, forced assimilation into other cultures, and the erasure of Filipino cultural values have resulted in a range of Eurocentrically biased and historically oppressive experiences (Choi et al., 2020; David & Nadal, 2013). These experiences have prepared Filipino communities, intergenerationally and collectively, to respond to experiences of discrimination in ways that preserve their cultural values (David et al., 2017). The preservation of Filipino cultural values across generations has bolstered a type of protective factor through racial socialization, where parents and families teach future generations of children about race and racism (Juang et al., 2017). Ultimately, preparing future generations of Filipinos to respond to racial oppression can protect cultural assets (David et al., 2017). In fact, a study by Woo and colleagues (2020) indicated Filipino parents who prepared their children to respond to racial discrimination prepared them for bias and strengthened their ethnic identity.

One strategy that professional counselors can use to infuse social justice in their work is to help Filipino clients raise their critical consciousness. Critical consciousness is an approach that helps clients to recognize the systemic factors contributing to their barriers with mental health utilization and mental health stressors (David et al., 2019; Diemer et al., 2016; Ratts & Greenleaf, 2018; Seider et al., 2020) and to feel empowered to take part in action (Ratts et al., 2016; Watts & Hipolito-Delgado, 2015). Professional counselors can raise Filipino clients’ critical consciousness by engaging in conversations about how the history of colonization, endorsement of colonial mentality, and systemic factors continue to marginalize Filipinos (David et al., 2019). Connecting critical consciousness to COVID-19, professional counselors can highlight how public anti-Asian discourse echoes centuries of oppression and leads to cultural mistrust of health care providers, particularly professional counselors (Litam, 2020; Ratts & Greenleaf, 2018; Tuazon et al., 2019). Similarly, professional counselors can raise the critical consciousness of Filipino clients by discussing the effects of race-based trauma and racial violence as a result of COVID-19 (Litam, 2020; Nadal, 2021). Including these topics during counseling can be instrumental for detecting the effects of race-based trauma, such as somatic symptoms, while grasping the manifestation of pandemic stress (Taylor et al., 2020). As health care providers focus predominantly on wellness, professional counselors play a significant part in deconstructing the connections and nuances among race-based traumatic stress and pandemic stress (Ratts & Greenleaf, 2018).

Additionally, professional counselors can raise the critical consciousness of Filipino clients by examining the intersection of underlying health disparities, Filipino core values, and overrepresentation of Filipinos working in health care positions during COVID-19 through a trauma-informed lens. Aligned with this perspective, professional counselors can identify and discuss how intergenerational trauma narratives may have persisted across generations of Filipino communities (David & Okazaki, 2006b; David et al., 2019; Nadal, 2021; Tuazon et al., 2019) in ways that have adverse effects on mental health. For example, professional counselors may support Filipino clients to critically reflect on how socialized messages from parents and elders with intergenerational trauma may have contributed to the internalization of colonial mentality. Professional counselors may also broach these cultural factors by promoting discussions within clients’ families and communities about the cultural preservation of Filipino identities (Choi et al., 2017, 2020; David et al., 2017).

Culturally Congruent Coping Responses Among Filipino Clients Professional counselors can help Filipino clients who seek counseling during COVID-19 by empowering them to engage in coping responses that cultivate their cultural assets and strengthen their ethnic identity (David et al., 2017, 2019; Woo et al., 2020). Before implementing these culturally sensitive strategies, professional counselors must reflect on whether they hold individualistic notions and Western attitudes about which coping responses are deemed helpful or unhelpful to mitigate the effects of racial discrimination (Oh et al., in press; Sue et al., 2019). Following experiences of racial discrimination and stress, Filipinos tend to use disengagement coping responses (Centeno & Fernandez, 2020; Tuason et al., 2007). Following an assessment of coping responses, professional counselors can support Filipino clients by reinforcing culturally responsive disengagement coping strategies, such as tiyaga (Tagalog for “patience and endurance”) and lakas ng loob (Tagalog for “inner strength and hardiness”), to promote resilience and demonstrate flexibility.

Given these central cultural values, professional counselors must be cautioned from solely using emotion-centered counseling strategies that center experiences of stress, racial trauma, or COVID-19–related discrimination (Litam, 2020). Instead, Filipino clients may benefit from interventions that draw from their cultural values of endurance ( tiyaga ) and inner strength ( lakas ng loob ) to refocus energy toward cultivating meaningful relationships and roles (David & Nadal, 2013; David et al., 2017). For example, Filipino clients who are concerned about the wellness of their community may experience a heightened sense of purpose and inner strength by reflecting on how their actions have already benefitted their families rather than focusing on their fears. Indeed, when stressful experiences occur, Filipinos have a long history of demonstrating resilience. Empowering Filipino clients to reflect on the historical ways that the Filipino community has evidenced resilience and inner strength may cultivate a strong sense of Filipino pride and strengthen ethnic identity as protective factors to mental health distress (Choi et al., 2020; David et al., 2019; Tuazon et al., 2019).

Filipinos may also benefit from engagement coping strategies, such as prayer, employing religious and spiritual resources, and responding with humor, to promote health and wellness (Nadal, 2021; Sanchez & Gaw, 2007). Counselors can help Filipino clients leverage engagement coping strategies by reflecting on existing responses to stress. Counselors may ask, “How have you intentionally responded to stressful events in the past?” and “How did these ways of coping impact your levels of stress?” Counselors can also demonstrate culturally sensitive strategies and lines of questioning that move from general, shared Filipino values to specific client experiences. For example, counselors can state: “Many Filipinos find peace of mind through prayer, religious practices, and humor. I’m wondering if this is true for you?” Because of the community orientation and collectivism embedded within Filipino culture, it may be helpful for counselors to elaborate on cultural contexts and relationships that inform coping strategies: “I am wondering how you may have seen some of these coping strategies in your home, family, or community. How might you have experienced a coping strategy like humor within your own community?” This statement communicates a familiarity with Filipino cultural values and creates an invitation for clients to explore their coping resources.

Creating Outreach Initiatives and Partnerships For counselors placed in school and community settings, challenging the systemic effects of COVID-19 among Filipino communities necessitates community partnerships and integrated care settings to achieve health equity (Adia et al., 2019). Health equity initiatives call for two types of overarching efforts to sustain long-term benefits and changes. One aspect of health equity relates to developing community partnerships as a method to intentionally increase health literacy within the community (Guo et al., 2018). Increasing mental health literacy, including education about counseling services and a comprehensive approach to wellness, operates as a direct intervention to cultural and linguistic barriers that precede negative health care experiences (Flynn et al., 2020). Increasing mental health literacy in Filipino communities may also normalize the process of professional mental health services, challenge the cultural notion that those who seek mental health care are crazy , and offer strength-based language related to counseling services (Ghimire et al., 2018; Maxwell et al., 2012; Nadal, 2021). Expanding on recommendations by Tuazon and colleagues (2019), professional counselors can challenge the systemic effects of COVID-19 in Filipino communities by helping community stakeholders understand culturally responsive practices for seeking professional mental health services. Professional counselors employed in community settings can leverage opportunities to liaise with Filipino community organizations and leaders to increase the utilization of counseling services as a preventive method (Graham et al., 2018; Maxwell et al., 2012), especially in response to the increased mental health issues in Filipinos following COVID-19. Professional counselors employed in community settings are therefore uniquely positioned to broach cultural factors of colonialism and systemic racism while addressing the urgency of mental health services for Filipino communities during COVID-19 (Day-Vines et al., 2018, 2020).

Increasing Visibility of Filipino Counselors The second aspect of health equity initiatives focuses on increasing representation in the pipeline of providers. Although Flynn and colleagues (2020) documented the importance of culturally responsive practices to buffer negative health care experiences, public health scholars have generally identified that the representation of professional counselors is crucial for encouraging historically marginalized communities to seek services (Campbell, 2019; Graham et al., 2018; Griffith, 2018). According to Campbell (2019), historically marginalized clients are more likely to pursue services and demonstrate an openness to speak with professional counselors who are representative of their communities. In addition to increasing Filipino counselors and counselor educators in the pipeline (Tuazon et al., 2019), professional counselors can enact community-based initiatives that position Filipino leaders to support the larger Filipino community (Guo et al., 2018; Maxwell et al., 2012; Nadal, 2021). For example, professional counselors can train Filipino leaders and community members to share information about coping responses (e.g., mindfulness, yoga, and diaphragmatic breathing) that mitigate the deleterious effects of racism, colonialism, and COVID-19–related stress. Professional counselors can also work with community members to establish Filipino-led wellness groups that frame discussions about stress within the broader context of health and wellness. Assessing for previous assumptions about mental health literacy may be helpful to normalize group discussions about stress and mental health. As outreach initiatives and community partnerships are established within the context of COVID-19, professional counselors must consider how they develop marketing materials for counseling services that appropriately reflect the cultural and linguistic diversity of Filipinos and invite input from Filipino community leaders (Campbell, 2019; Graham et al., 2018).

The cumulative effects of colonialism and racism continue to influence the mental health and visibility of Filipino communities within the global crisis of COVID-19. Unlike other AAPI subgroups, experiences of pandemic-related distress in Filipinos are additionally compounded by their distinct history of colonization, cultural values, and low levels of help-seeking behaviors. Specific interventions for culturally responsive counseling and outreach for Filipino communities are critical (Choi et al., 2017; David & Nadal, 2013; David et al., 2017; Tuazon et al., 2019) and were outlined in this article. Professional counselors, especially those in community settings, have numerous opportunities to enact a systematic plan of action that integrates culture, health, and policy (Chan & Henesy, 2018; Nadal, 2021). These interventions illuminate a longstanding and never more urgent call to action for extending efforts and initiatives to increase the visibility of Filipino communities and support individuals of Filipino descent in counseling.

Conflict of Interest and Funding Disclosure The authors reported no conflict of interest or funding contributions for the development of this manuscript.

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Christian D. Chan, PhD, NCC, is an assistant professor at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Stacey Diane Arañez Litam, PhD, NCC, CCMHC, LPCC-S, is an assistant professor at Cleveland State University. Correspondence may be addressed to Christian D. Chan, Department of Counseling and Educational Development, The University of North Carolina at Greensboro, P.O. Box 26170, Greensboro, NC 27402, [email protected] .

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Portrait of Filipino healthcare workers’ discrimination experiences during the early part of the COVID-19 pandemic ☆

Allan b. de guzman.

a The Graduate School, University of Santo Tomas, Philippines

b Research Center for Social Sciences and Education, University of Santo Tomas, 2/F Thomas Aquinas Research Complex, Espana, Boulevard, Manila 1015, Philippines

c College of Tourism and Hospitality Management, University of Santo Tomas, Philippines

Belinda V. de Castro

d College of Commerce and Business Administration, University of Santo Tomas, Philippines

Salvacion Laguilles-Villafuerte

e Psychology Department, Bicol University, Philippines

Julie Ann Clemente-Faustino

f College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, Bulacan State University, Philippines

Jennifer O. Serrano

g Quirino State University-Cabarroguis, Philippines

Darwin Z. Angcahan

h Rizal Medical Center, Pasig, Philippines

At the core of a global health crisis, healthcare workers are tasked to perform crucial and life-threatening roles. Despite the heavy-laden responsibilities amid COVID-19 pandemic, these workers are subjected to various forms of stigma and discrimination.

The primary intent of this paper is to investigate the existence of discrimination among healthcare workers during COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines. Further, it aims to test the following hypotheses: (1) Discrimination experiences among Filipino healthcare workers are dependent on certain demographic characteristics; and (2) Discrimination experiences vary significantly according to the type of healthcare workers.

This exploratory study used a two-part survey questionnaire consisting of the baseline data of the respondents and an 8-point Likert-type scale to identify the different forms of discrimination experienced by Filipino healthcare workers. Data yielded by the instruments were descriptively (frequency, mean and percentage) and inferentially (Pearson R, Kendall tau, t-test, and One-Way Analysis of Variance) treated.

Among the Filipino healthcare workers, the Radiologic Technologists experienced the most forms of discriminatory acts, followed by Nurses and Medical Technologists. Those who work in high-risk duty assignments experienced the most discriminatory incidents such as insulting gestures and physical/social loathing, social media bashing and offensive jokes.

The discrimination experienced by Filipino healthcare workers is a valuable platform for health policy interventions at the local and global levels to safeguard the physical, social and psychological well-being of healthcare workers, especially in battling the COVID-19 pandemic.

Résumé

Contexte : Au cœur d'une crise sanitaire mondiale, les travailleurs de la santé sont appelés à jouer des rôles cruciaux qui mettent leur vie en danger. Malgré la lourdeur de leurs responsabilités dans le contexte de la pandémie de COVID-19, ces travailleurs sont soumis à diverses formes de stigmatisation et de discrimination.

Objectifs: L'objectif principal de cet article est d'étudier l'existence de la discrimination parmi les travailleurs de la santé pendant la pandémie de COVID-19 aux Philippines. En outre, il vise à tester les hypothèses suivantes: (1) les expériences de discrimination parmi les travailleurs de la santé philippins dépendent de certaines caractéristiques démographiques; et (2) les expériences de discrimination varient de manière significative en fonction du type de travailleurs de la santé.

Méthodologie: Cette étude exploratoire a utilisé un questionnaire d'enquête en deux parties comprenant les données de base des répondants et une échelle de type Likert en 8 points pour identifier les différentes formes de discrimination subies par les travailleurs de la santé philippins. Les données produites par les instruments ont été traitées de manière descriptive (fréquence, moyenne et pourcentage) et inférentielle (R de Pearson, tau de Kendall, test t et analyse de variance à une voie).

Résultats: Parmi les travailleurs de la santé philippins, les technologues en radiologie ont subi le plus d'actes discriminatoires, suivis par les infirmières et les technologues médicaux. Ceux qui travaillent dans des missions à haut risque ont subi le plus d'incidents discriminatoires, tels que des gestes insultants et un dégoût physique/social, des attaques sur les médias sociaux et des blagues offensantes.

Conclusion: La discrimination vécue par les travailleurs de la santé philippins est une plate-forme précieuse pour les interventions de politique de santé aux niveaux local et mondial afin de préserver le bien-être physique, social et psychologique des travailleurs de la santé, en particulier dans la lutte contre la pandémie de COVID-19.

Introduction

Healthcare workers have emerged as vulnerable populations during the COVID-19 pandemic, [1] as they protect their patients, communities, and themselves from the coronavirus [2] . Though healthcare workers remain steadfast and committed to their sworn duty, [3] vulnerability to diseases and rumors, and incorrect information still increase their anxiety levels [4] . With such circumstances, medical professionals are highly susceptible to physical and psychological vulnerabilities, [5] such as discrimination. Like other psychosocial stressors, discrimination is adversely related to a broad range of mental health outcomes, [6] , [7] which can affect psychological well-being, leading to symptoms of distress [8] .

Historically, healthcare workers' discrimination and mental health concerns are no different from other health crises in the past. This includes neglecting behavior and rejection [9] ; and social and emotional impact [10] during the 2012 MERS-CoV and 2014 Ebola epidemic, respectively. During the early part of the COVID-19 pandemic, numerous reports of ill-treatment of individuals from the local and global settings were documented. Beddoes [11] cited the healthcare workers’ experience of getting punched in the face on a Chicago bus and a healthcare worker was doused with bleach by five men in the Philippines [12] .

Further, since the outbreak of the pandemic, both cyber and physical attack among healthcare workers and their families were reported across the world [13] . The discrimination experiences of healthcare workers during the early part of the pandemic have been documented in countries like Colombia, [14] Nepal, [15] Indonesia, [16] Egypt [17] . In the Philippines, medical professionals have experienced being evicted from homes, refused rides on buses, and kicked out of restaurants by their fellow citizens due to fear of contracting the virus [18] . These medical professionals were battling mental and emotional pains caused by work-life disruptions and social stigma attached to their profession and roles in this pandemic.

Hence, the primary intent of this paper is to investigate the existence of discrimination among healthcare workers during COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines. Further, it aims to test the following hypotheses: (1) Discrimination experiences among Filipino healthcare workers are dependent on certain demographic characteristics; and (2) Discrimination experiences vary significantly according to the type of healthcare workers.

Theoretical background

Theoretical framing.

This study draws on the Gelberg-Andersen Behavioral Model for Vulnerable Populations. As an expanded version of Andersen's Behavioral Model of Health Service Use in 1968 [19] . This model is widely used for explaining health care utilization patterns by the general population and suggests that the use of health services is a function of predisposition to use services, factors that enable or impede use, and need for care, thus providing a way to conceptualize variations in utilization. The structural model assessed the impact of predisposing, enabling, and need variables on predicting the use of health services by several vulnerable populations. Demographic profile is usually pre-eminent predisposing variable for most normative populations. Education and age, for instance, are relatively important in leading to the conclusion on healthcare services utilization. Enabling variables include the source of care and barriers to health services utilization. This implies that the more obstacles experienced by an individual indicate lesser utilization of healthcare services. Moreover, the need variables include illness. This suggests that when a person is ill, he does seek medical services, regardless of his economic status.

To the best of our knowledge, no study has empirically extended the model on discrimination experiences of healthcare workers. With the emergence of healthcare workers as a vulnerable group during the pandemic, [20] the model serves as a valuable lens to better understand the dynamics of discrimination as a system and how it is shaped by predisposing, enabling, and need variables. The predisposing factors include the healthcare workers’ demographic characteristics. The enabling factors encompass the healthcare workers’ frequency in reporting for work, means of transportation in reporting for work, place of stay during COVID-19, duty assignment, type of social media account use, and sources of information during COVID-19. Further, the perceived “need” factor of the health care workers refers to the respect and support from people in the community.

Research design

The study employed the descriptive exploratory design in order to surface the diversity on the presence of discrimination among healthcare workers. According to Brink and Wood, [21] the data collected in this type of design either contribute to the development of theory or explain phenomena from the perspective of the persons being studied.

Subjects and study site

To achieve the purpose of the study, healthcare workers from the three main geographical regions of the Philippines participated in a Google form survey questionnaire. To be included in this study, prospective health and allied professionals must be (1) currently employed in a hospital; and (2) 20 years old and above.

Corpus of data

This exploratory study employed a two-part survey questionnaire. The first part sought for the respondents’ profile (age, gender, civil status, number of children, religion, place of work and residence). It further supplied the healthcare workers' occupational profile, such as profession, type of hospital, length of service, work schedule, duty assignment, and means of transportation. The second part was an 8-point Likert-type scale ranging from “to a little extent” (1-point) to “to a great extent” (8-point). This 30-item, researcher-made scale (Cronbach reliability coefficient = 0.97) identified the forms of discrimination experienced by Filipino healthcare workers in the country. The forms of discrimination may come from the community (both face to face and virtual) and not from the patients in the hospitals. This instrument was pilot tested to a select group of health and allied professionals ( n = 20) to ensure its reliability and validity (Cronbach alpha 94.6%) who were later on included in the actual pool of respondents.

Data collection process and ethical consideration

Ethical considerations such as informed consent form, confidentiality of data, and withholding of personal identifiers were advertently complied with. A two-week data gathering period was observed. Since the data were gathered at the height of the pandemic, snowballing technique was employed to recruit the possible participants who were contacted within their personal capacity. Consent was obtained from each subject through Google form, considering that movement and face-to-face interaction were prohibited at this time.

Statistical analysis

Gathered data were treated descriptively using the mean and standard deviation (SD) to show the extent and diversity of their discrimination experiences, respectively. Inferentially, Pearson r and Kendall tau were used to show relationship between healthcare workers’ discriminatory experiences and their demographic profile for continuous and discrete variables, respectively. Moreover, t-test and one-way analysis of variance were used to surface significant differences in their responses when grouped according to respondents’ profile.

Participants’ characteristics

Of the 516 respondents (female = 59.9%; male = 40.1%). Most of the respondents were millennials, with age range from 28 to 38 years old (71.5%), single (67.8%), and have no child (67.8%). The majority were Catholics (78.9%), working in the government (51%), for five years or less (54.5%), were from NCR (53.3%), and worked as radiologic technologists (35.1%).

Most of them reported in their work daily (42.2%), with their cars (41.3%) in a high-risk COVID/PUI wards ( Influenza like illness (ILI) tent, Severe Acute Respiratory Infections tent, Triage area, ER/ER isolation ward, OR, Delivery Room, Diagnostic centers, Morgue, Housekeeping areas, other areas where intubation CPR, NPS/OPS swabbing is done ) (54.1%). Majority of the respondents stayed in their residences (70.3%) before the COVID-19 pandemic and stayed in the same as before (81.8%) during COVID-19. Most of them used social media platforms such as; Facebook, Messenger, Viber, and Instagram (66.5%), and their sources of information during COVID-19 mainly were television and social media (70.2%).

Table 1 shows the forms of discrimination experiences rated by the health workers. The top most rated discrimination experiences are: being talked about ( x ̄ = 3.09; SD = 2.33), hearing offensive jokes ( x ̄ = 2.59; SD = 2.20), forced quarantine ( x ̄ = 2.26; SD = 2.01), insulting gestures ( x ̄ = 2.23; SD = 2.01) and hearing rants ( x ̄ = 2.20; SD = 1.92). Noticeably, on an 8-point scale, these low mean and high SD values indicate positive skewness and diversity in the responses, respectively, that is, most of the healthcare workers are experiencing discrimination to a lesser extent. Items such as experiencing harassment in group chats ( x ̄ = 1.31, SD = 0.92), in text ( x ̄ = 1.21, SD = 0.81), in tweets ( x ̄ = 1.21, SD = 0.74), being attacked physically ( x ̄ = 1.21, SD = 0.74) and harassment through calls ( x ̄ = 1.17, SD = 0.65) constitute the least rated discriminatory experiences.

Forms of discrimination experiences rated by health workers in descending order (from top to least).

Discrimination Experiences	Mean	SD	Discrimination Experiences	Mean	SD
1. being talked about	3.09	2.33	16. social loathing	1.57	1.28
2. offensive jokes	2.59	2.20	17. physical loathing	1.54	1.24
3. forced quarantine	2.26	2.01	18. petitioned (ex. for transfer)	1.51	1.31
4. insulting gestures (covering mouth)	2.23	2.01	19. harassment of my family and close friends	1.50	1.26
5. hearing rants	2.20	1.92	20. evicted from the dormitories	1.49	1.28
6. “aloof” treatment	2.14	1.86	21. family and friends are denied of essential service	1.44	1.20
7. shunning away of people	2.00	1.77	22. denied housing	1.41	1.29
8. spreading wrong information about me	1.90	1.59	23. “barricade” my house	1.39	1.16
9. doused on my way to work	1.79	1.69	24. family and friends are denied of health services	1.34	1.01
10. blaming	1.78	1.53	25. cursing	1.32	0.93
11. social media bashing	1.74	1.59	26. being harassed through group chats	1.31	0.92
12. refused rides on buses	1.65	1.46	27. attacked physically	1.21	0.81
13. denial of access to essential services (ex.: haircut, laundry, etc.)	1.63	1.51	28. being harassed through text	1.21	0.74
14. using foul or offensive words	1.60	1.36	29. being harassed through tweets	1.21	0.74
15. creating memes in social media	1.57	1.28	30. being harassed through calls	1.17	0.65

From a pool of thirty (30) discriminatory experiences ( Table 2 ), fifteen (15) and twelve (12) situations were found to be negatively correlated to age (values ranging from r = −.204, p < 0.01 to r = −.094, p < 0. 05) and length of service (values ranging from r = −.164, p < 0.01 to r = −.086, p < 0.01 ), respectively . This shows that the more the person ages and has longer working experience in the healthcare service, the less they experience or, the less they bother about these discriminatory situations. In terms of the number of children, only the experience of being harassed through group chats was found to be positively correlated (r = .085, p < 0.05) . This means that the more children they have, the more they are affected by the experience of harassment on the on-line platform. Lastly, seven (7) out of the thirty (30) discriminatory experiences were found to be positively correlated to the frequency of reporting, with values ranging from r = .080, p < 0.01 to r = .108, p < 0.05. This goes to show that the more frequent they report to work, the more discriminatory situations are bothersome for the healthcare workers.

Correlations of Discriminatory experiences and demographic characteristics ( n = 516).

Discriminatory Experiences	Age	Number of children	Length of service	Frequency of reporting
1. evicted from the dormitories	−0.104	0.015	−0.092	0.085
2. petitioned (ex. For transfer)	−0.113	−0.002	−0.100	0.091
3. doused on my way to work	−0.165	−0.004	−0.137	0.080
4. refused rides on buses	−0.102	−0.026	−0.074	0.095
5. attacked physically	−0.002	0.026	−0.057	−0.015
6. being talked about	−0.201	0.007	−0.161	0.099
7. offensive jokes	−0.204	0.000	−0.164	0.067
8. denial of access to essential services (ex.: haircut, laundry, etc.)	−0.096	−0.010	−0.072	0.006
9. social media bashing	−0.115	0.005	−0.086	0.034
10. forced quarantine	−0.049	0.014	−0.046	−0.027
11. “aloof” treatment	−0.039	0.027	−0.032	0.031
12. creating memes in social media	−0.094	0.021	−0.089	0.012
13. spreading wrong information about me	−0.073	0.015	−0.056	0.060
14. “barricade” my house	−0.08	−0.018	−0.109	0.071
15. being harassed through text	−0.028	0.041	−0.031	−0.003
16. being harassed through calls	0.027	0.032	0.017	0.011
17. being harassed through group chats	−0.023	0.085	−0.017	0.026
18. harassment of my family and close friends	−0.083	0.002	−0.074	0.035
19. blaming	−0.116	0.007	−0.100	0.039
20. insulting gestures (covering mouth)	−0.137	0.000	−0.116	0.071
21. shunning away of people	−0.092	0.055	−0.083	0.074
22. hearing rants	−0.184	0.000	−0.157	0.088
23. family and friends are denied of health services	−0.038	0.069	−0.027	0.065
24. family and friends are denied of essential service	−0.048	0.027	−0.044	.085
25. social loathing	−.095	0.032	−.094	0.036
26. physical loathing	−.089	0.039	−0.083	0.066
27. using foul or offensive words	−0.049	0.031	−0.036	.097
28. denied housing	−0.084	0.010	−0.075	.108
29. cursing	−0.072	0.041	−0.073	0.010
30. being harassed through tweets	−0.074	0.000	−0.064	0.051

Significant differences were noted from the 30 identified discriminatory acts ( Table 3 ) when grouped according to selected demographic characteristics. With gender as the criterion, marked difference was evident in “insulting gestures such as covering mouth has a significant difference” ( t -value = −2.03), with the female healthcare workers posting a higher mean ( x ̄ = 2.19). As regards civil status, a significant difference was noted in “denied housing” ( F -ratio = 6.015) which is highly felt by healthcare workers who are neither single nor married ( x ̄ = 2.29). Despite the spread of wrong information about them having the highest mean difference (0.28) between those working in public ( x ̄ = 1.93; SD = 1.86) and private ( x ̄ = 1.65; SD = 1.49) hospitals, no significant difference in their experiences were noted ( t -value = 1.88, p -value = 0.06) nor in any of the discriminatory acts.

Significant differences in Discriminatory experiences when grouped according to some demographic characteristics ( n = 516).

Discriminatory Experiences	Gender	Type of hospital	Civil Status	Type of Health Profession	Duty assign	Means of transportation	Place of stay
1. evicted from the dormitories	0.51	0.35	2.24	3.01	1.72	0.44	5.15
2. petitioned (ex. for transfer)	1.38	−1.05	0.05	2.75	0.85	1.00	4.68
3. doused on my way to work	−0.61	−0.94	0.37	5.06	1.50	4.63	1.74
4. refused rides on buses	0.76	−0.80	1.02	2.84	0.07	5.75	1.54
5. attacked physically	0.65	0.21	0.78	0.82	0.76	1.39	1.26
6. being talked about	1.55	−0.11	2.16	4.83	7.52	1.49	2.38
7. offensive jokes	0.71	−1.02	0.68	7.72	5.13	2.60	2.49
8. denial of access to essential services (ex.: haircut, laundry, etc.)	−0.21	−0.29	0.81	2.51	2.92	1.06	3.24
9. social media bashing	0.32	0.32	2.12	1.38	1.45	2.60	3.35
10. forced quarantine	0.15	0.54	0.86	1.11	3.36	0.30	2.62
11. “aloof” treatment	−1.89	−0.65	1.30	3.61	0.82	0.73	1.72
12. creating memes in social media	1.53	−1.33	0.28	0.89	0.27	1.01	3.41
13. spreading wrong information about me	1.04	1.88	0.98	2.62	0.49	2.65	1.39
14. “barricade” my house	0.85	0.59	2.25	0.49	0.70	1.26	2.61
15. being harassed through text	−0.38	1.53	0.17	1.60	0.21	0.66	1.39
16. being harassed through calls	−0.73	1.37	2.28	1.23	0.29	0.19	0.62
17. being harassed through group chats	−0.76	1.82	2.11	1.84	0.13	1.61	2.49
18. harassment of my family and close friends	1.06	0.84	0.40	1.17	0.36	1.35	1.44
19. blaming	−0.60	0.15	0.22	1.18	1.79	1.01	2.60
20. insulting gestures (covering mouth)	−2.03	−0.43	0.11	3.36	2.90	1.30	2.49
21. shunning away of people	−1.64	1.12	0.08	3.29	2.70	0.68	2.39
22. hearing rants	−0.15	0.16	2.33	2.37	2.61	2.97	2.74
23. family and friends are denied of health services	−0.36	−0.72	1.39	1.21	0.39	0.77	1.97
24. family and friends are denied of essential service	0.07	0.54	0.25	1.90	0.31	1.61	1.18
25. social loathing	−0.25	−0.37	0.83	1.92	1.33	0.62	2.34
26. physical loathing	−0.38	0.02	0.70	2.18	1.24	0.53	1.16
27. using foul or offensive words	−0.89	1.15	0.01	2.66	0.98	1.56	3.16
28. denied housing	−0.68	1.09	6.02	1.83	1.82	1.47	5.62
29. cursing	−0.36	−0.07	0.03	0.77	0.34	1.34	1.57
30. being harassed through tweets	0.49	0.28	0.13	0.31	0.22	0.72	2.45

When compared according to the type of health professions, receiving offensive jokes ( F -ratio = 7.72) was strongly experienced by Radiologic Technologists ( x ̄ = 3.07), followed by doused on the way to work ( F -ratio = 5.06) as most experienced by Nurses ( x ̄ = 2.13) and insulting gestures ( F -ratio = 3.36) by Midwives ( x ̄ = 2.54). Further, for duty assignment, the most discriminated healthcare workers are those assigned to high-risk assignments, with marked differences in being talked about ( F -ratio = 7.52, x ̄ = 3.45), offensive jokes ( F -ratio = 5.13, x ̄ = 2.87) and forced quarantine ( F -ratio = 3.36, x ̄ = 2.44). For means of transportation, health workers who were refused rides on buses ( F -ratio = 5.75, x ̄ = 2.78) and doused on the way to work ( F -ratio = 4.63, x ̄ = 2.83) used bicycles while hearing rants ( F -ratio = 2.97, x ̄ = 2.67), spreading wrong information ( F -ratio = 2.65, x ̄ = 2.41) are experienced most by healthcare workers using their motorcycles.

Finally, in the place of stay, significant differences were noted among those who are not staying in specially designated healthcare facilities who experienced being denied of housing ( F -ratio = 5.62, x ̄ = 2.26), evicted from the dormitories ( F -ratio = 5.15, x ̄ = 2.33), petitioned ( F -ratio = 4.68, x ̄ = 2.03), while those healthcare workers who experienced being created memes in social media ( F -ratio = 3.41, x ̄ = 2.13), and social media bashing ( F -ratio = 3.35, x ̄ = 2.29) are those who are stay-in residents in a hospital dorms.

Our first hypothesis, which states that discrimination experiences among Filipino healthcare workers are dependent on certain demographic characteristics was supported. Specifically, results showed a negative correlation between healthcare workers’ age and length of service discriminatory experiences. Notably, as health practitioners age and spend more years in service, they become more resilient to discrimination. Similarly, Gooding et al. [22] found that the older the individuals are, the more resilient they become with respect to problem-solving and emotion regulation as compared to the younger generations. Other studies also suggested that resilient personality may counter the negative effects of ill health [23] and predicts mental health in older adults [24] . Thus, hospital administrators must initiate programs that promote resiliency in the workplace, such as stress management techniques, positive mind framing, and finding meaning and value in life.

Regarding the number of children, only the experience of being harassed through group chats was positively correlated. According to Piquero et al. [25] , workers in healthcare are more prone to experience verbal harassment and bullying. Many health care workers, who are victims of verbal abuse online, feel that their complaints will not be taken seriously by hospital administrators because of the platform used. Because of this, medical organizations may adopt improved policies that promote psychologically safe interactions among workplace stakeholders and safeguard the psychological well-being of healthcare workers.

Of the thirty (30) discriminatory experiences, seven (7) were positively correlated to reporting frequency. These discrimination scenarios tend to hit the working parents more vulnerable, as they endure sacrifices at work to be able to provide for the needs of their children. The work-family balance remains critical for employed parents and employers alike [26] . Healthcare workers are forced to stay in safe facilities to prevent the risks to their health and their loved ones, making them obliged to have more frequent and longer hours of hospital duty, changing protocols, and potential medical supply shortages [27] . The unprecedented demand for healthcare services during the COVID-19 pandemic has left family-oriented and overworked health professionals vulnerable to discrimination experiences [28] . The job demands more hours at the healthcare facilities and less time with the family. Although the shortage of medical practitioners at the time of this pandemic is recognized, [29] hospital administrators are encouraged to design a work scheme that enables healthcare workers to have a justifiable and humane number of working hours [30] to minimize the discriminatory experiences.

The second hypothesis, which states that discrimination experiences vary significantly according to type of healthcare workers was supported. Specifically, significant differences were noted when they were grouped according to gender, civil status, type of health profession, duty assignment, means of transportation, and place of stay. The finding that there is a significant difference in the gender criterion is similar to what González-Sanguino et al. [31] redounded about the female gender having more symptomatology of psychological impact. The female healthcare workers in this study experienced more incidents of insulting gestures, such as people covering their mouths when they pass by or in the same room. Experiencing this kind of discrimination, female healthcare workers are more susceptible to stress, anxiety, and depression. In terms of civil status, healthcare workers who are either single parents, separated, or widowed had higher experiences of discriminatory acts, specifically in being denied of housing. This runs counter to Wang et al., [32] where married respondents reported being more affected by distressing events related to COVID-19. Discriminatory acts did not differ among healthcare workers who either worked in public or private hospitals. No marked difference was noted in their discrimination experiences when viewed according to the type of hospital. This is in concordance with the existing literature about work issues in public and private hospitals where healthcare workers experienced discrimination [see [33] ].

Alarmingly, the Radiologic Technologists were highly discriminated against in terms of offensive jokes, followed by Nurses and Midwives. The Radiologic technologists are among the largest group of professionals, [34] and their work responsibilities entail stress, [35] which need intervention [36] to avoid being faced with mental and emotional disturbances during this pandemic. Further, healthcare workers with high-risk assignments experience being talked about, receiving offensive jokes and being forced quarantined. This concurs with previous studies [i.e. [37 , 38] ], which looked into healthcare discrimination. Healthcare workers who use their bikes and those who do not stay in designated healthcare facilities were the most discriminated. These people are driven by inherently negative thoughts, [39] which revolve around their fears of being exposed to the virus, being blamed, or displacing their felt helplessness with the present condition.

Conclusion and recommendation

This empirical study yielded a portrait of structural and individual discrimination experienced by Filipino healthcare workers. As COVID-19 frontliners, relevant psychological support programs are needed to promote their well-being. Social media use should be maximized to educate and re-educate the people of the role and contributions of healthcare professionals. The knowledge base on discrimination as a social stressor invites dialogic space where both policymakers and practitioners could enact protective measures and safety nets that could support and ensure the overall well-being of the health workforce. Ultimately, the burdens brought about by any global crisis become bearable if any act of discrimination is addressed promptly and holistically. Such expectation is best facilitated by society's adherence to democratic principles and respect for the dignity of the human person.

Admittedly, there are limitations in the present study. Considering that the data were primarily gathered through an online questionnaire due to face-to-face restrictions in the country, a follow-up study may be conducted through a mixed-method approach. Capturing the narratives of the health professionals may shed light to the nature and the dynamics of discrimination indicators found in the tool. Additionally, this study was limited to testing how discrimination experiences compare and relate to the health professionals’ profile. Hence, model development initiative may be conducted through multi-variate analysis, such as, structural equation modeling, canonical correlation and multinomial regression.

Acknowledgments

We thank the Fondazione Gravissimum Educationis for funding this project.

☆ Contributors : All authors contributed to the conception or design of the work, the acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of the data. All authors were involved in drafting and commenting on the paper and have approved the final version.

Competing interests : All authors declare no conflict of interest.

Ethical approval : Ethical considerations such as informed consent form, confidentiality of data, and withholding of personal identifiers were complied with.

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Bago ang COVID-19 pandemya, parating nagtatrabaho si Lilia Antazo. Lumipat sa Estados Unidos ang 72 taong gulang Pilipinang dayuhan kasama ang kanyang asawa at pinaka batang anak noong 2001.
My Life Experience During the Covid-19 Pandemic
My content explains what my life was like during the last seven months of the Covid-19 pandemic and how it affected my life both positively and negatively. It also explains what it was like when I graduated from High School and how I want the future generations to remember the Class of 2020. Class assignment, Western Civilization (Dr. Marino).
PDF Philippine Journal of Social Development 2021 Vol. 14 Sa Gitna Ng
Getting Through the COVID-19 Pandemic: Responses of Vendors, Drivers, and Residents of Pook Malinis, UP Diliman Alli eB. Bawagan, PhD Rose Angelie M. Hernandez Celeste F. Vallejos Abstrak Malinaw na ang epekto ng pandemya dala ng COVID-19 ay dama sa halos lahat ng bansa sa buong mundo, sa halos lahat ng sektor at pamayanan.
The Importance of Well-Being on Resiliency of Filipino Adults During
According to Nebrida and Dullas (2018), the Tagalog version of the PERMA Profiler has a Cronbach's alpha of 0.842 in 101 Filipino participants. In the current study (n = 533), both PERMA Profiler (α = 0.927) and CD-RISC-10 (α = 0.915) have an "excellent" internal consistency. These results confirm that the scales are reliable tools for ...
Metapora sa Panahon ng Pandemya: Ilang Tala Tungkol sa mga Metaporang
Hinubog ng ating mga karanasan sa panahon ng krisis na ito ang iba't ibang aspekto ng ating mga buhay, maging ang paraan kung paano natin tinitingnan ang mismong pandemya. Sa ganitong diwa, nilalayon ng pananaliksik na ito na mailahad ang iba't ibang pagtingin ng mga Pilipino sa pandemya sa pamamagitan ng pagsusuri sa mga metaporang ginagamit sa wikang Filipino upang ilarawan ang COVID-19 ...
Filipinos and Nationalism During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Filipinos helping Fellow Filipinos. As COVID-19 strikes the Philippine nation, people rise together to counter it. At the forefront of the fight against the virus are our healthcare workers and various frontliners. Daily, they face the hazard of infection with their mantra: "We go to work for you.
Frontiers
1 College of Arts and Sciences, Manila Tytana Colleges, Pasay, Philippines; 2 Psycli-Nik Psychological Assessment and Intervention Services, Zamboanga City, Philippines; Nation-wide community quarantines and social distancing are part of the new normal because of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Since extensive and prolonged lockdowns are relatively novel experiences, not much is known about the ...
Filipino Responses to COVID-19
Research documents Filipino panic responses to the global pandemic. A recent study explored panic responses to COVID-19 in the Philippines. COVID-19 has been declared a global pandemic and has ...
Understanding COVID-19 dynamics and the effects of interventions in the
COVID-19 dynamics in the Philippines are driven by age, contact structure, mobility, and MHS adherence. Continued compliance with low-cost MHS should help the Philippines control the epidemic until vaccines are widely distributed, but disease resurgence may be occurring due to a combination of low population immunity and detection rates and new variants of concern.
Mga Pandemya
Learn what to do if a pandemic is declared and how to stay safe when a pandemic threatens. Maghanda sa Pandemya Manatiling Ligtas sa Panahon ng Manatiling Ligtas Pagkatapos ng Kaugnay na Nilalaman Ang isang pandemya ay isang pagkalat ng sakit na sumasaklaw sa ilang bansa at nakakaapekto sa maraming tao. Ang mga pandemya ay pinakamadalas dulot ng mga virus na madaling kumakalat sa mga tao.
Anxious, Apart, and Attentive: A Qualitative Case Study of Overseas
The COVID-19 pandemic presents a massive challenge to societies and families to ensure the safety and well-being of their members. The actual and potential health problems and life changes brought about by this public health emergency can impact the members and the functioning of the family as a unit (Luttik et al., 2020).During quarantine, families have to provide for members and maintain the ...
PIDS
The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic hit the Philippine economy and society unprecedentedly. To protect the people, the government had to act decisively and identify solutions to contain the rapid spread of the virus and the devastating economic and social disruption caused by the pandemic. This book compiles papers assessing the ...
PDF Reflections on Philippine Araling Panlipunan (Social Studies) in the
Studies in the Pandemic Era Nikolee Marie A. Serafico-Reyes, 6th Ph.D. Ptiliÿip:e No mal tional on s: 2021 NORMAL Proceeding The 6th International Seminar on Social Studies and History Education (ISSHE) 2021 Promoting Local Wisdom and Globalism towards Sustainable Development in the Pandemic and Post Pandemic Era
Psychological impact of COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines
Patients with confirmed or suspected COVID-19 may experience fear, while those in quarantine might experience boredom, loneliness, and anger (Xiang et al., 2020). Overwhelming deep emotional traumas and socio-economic stressors brought about by the pandemic and the lockdowns have even led the more vulnerable people to commit suicide ( Mamun ...
The Philippine economy under the pandemic: From Asian tiger ...
The Philippines learned from the COVID-19 pandemic that a services- and remittances-led growth model doesn't do too well in a global disease outbreak. Ronald U. Mendoza explains how Manila can ...
Exploring the Online Learning Experience of Filipino College ...
This study was endeavored to understand the online learning experience of Filipino college students enrolled in the academic year 2020-2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic. The data were obtained through an open-ended qualitative survey. The responses were analyzed and interpreted using thematic analysis.
Overseas Filipino workers and the COVID-19 pandemic: Exploring the
Boccagni and Baldassar (2015, p. 79) further emphasize that "investigating migrants' emotional experience sheds light on the shifting material, relational and spatial bases of emotions more broadly". In examining how the COVID-19 pandemic affects overseas Filipino workers, I proceed from the assumption that overseas work and public health ...
Mental Health Equity of Filipino Communities in COVID-19: A Framework
Although East Asian communities are more frequently targeted for instances of pandemic-related racial discrimination, multiple disparities converge upon Filipino communities that affect their access to mental health care in light of COVID-19. ... (Ocampo, 2016). The Filipino experience is one that is characterized by forms of discrimination by ...
Let's Falalalallow the COVID-19 Safety Protocols!
Step 3: Kuskusin ang bawat bahagi ng mga kamay nang hindi bababa sa 20 seconds. Huwag kalimutan ang likod ng kamay, gilid ng bawat daliri at mga kuko. Step 4: Banlawan ang kamay sa running water. Step 5: Patuyuin ang malinis na kamay gamit ang malinis na twalya o tissue paper, o ipagpag ang kamay sa hangin.
Advancing Filipino Healthcare: The Plight of Filipino Nurses in a
Mass resignations at the height of the pandemic worsened the nurse shortage. According to Morales and Lema (2021), a year and a half into the pandemic, 40% of nurses working in private hospitals had resigned. Additionally, the shortage of personal protective equipment endangered healthcare workers' health and safety.
Assessing the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic, shift to online learning
Introduction. The World Health Organization (WHO) declared the Coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak as a global pandemic, and the Philippines is one of the 213 countries affected by the disease [].To reduce the virus's transmission, the President imposed an enhanced community quarantine in Luzon, the country's northern and most populous island, on March 16, 2020.
Portrait of Filipino healthcare workers' discrimination experiences
During the early part of the COVID-19 pandemic, numerous reports of ill-treatment of individuals from the local and global settings were documented. Beddoes cited the healthcare workers' experience of getting punched in the face on a Chicago bus and a healthcare worker was doused with bleach by five men in the Philippines .