ronald reagan essay conclusion

RONALD REAGAN

Excerpted from an essay by Peggy Noonan : In a president, character is everything. A president doesn't have to be brilliant; Harry Truman wasn't brilliant, and he helped save Western Europe from Stalin. He doesn't have to be clever; you can hire clever. White Houses are always full of quick-witted people with ready advice on how to flip a senator or implement a strategy. You can hire pragmatic, and you can buy and bring in policy wonks. But you can't buy courage and decency, you can't rent a strong moral sense. A president must bring those things with him. If he does, they will give meaning and animation to the great practical requirement of the presidency: He must know why he's there and what he wants to do. He has to have thought it through . He needs to have, in that much maligned word, but a good one nontheless, a vision of the future he wishes to create. This is a function of thinking, of the mind, the brain. But a vision is worth little if a president doesn't have the character--the courage and heart--to see it through.... (Reagan) had the vision. Did he have the courage without which it would be nothing but a poignant dream? Yes. At the core of Reagan's character was courage, a courage that was, simply, natural to him, a courage that was ultimately contagious. When people say President Reagan brought back our spirit and our sense of optimism, I think what they are saying in part is, the whole country caught his courage. There are many policy examples, but I believe when people think of his courage, they think first of what happened that day in March 1981 when he was shot. He tried to walk into the hospital himself but his knees buckled and he had to be helped. They put him on a gurney, and soon he started the one-liners. Quoting Churchill, he reminded everyone that there's nothing so exhilarating as to be shot at without effect. To Mrs. Reagan, it was, "Honey, I forgot to duck." To the doctors, "I just hope you're Republicans." To which one doctor replied, "Today Mr. President we're all Republicans." Maybe he caught Reagan's courage too. But Reagan the political figure had a form of courage that I think is the hardest and most demanding kind. A general will tell you that anyone can be brave for five minutes; the adrenaline pumps, you do things of which you wouldn't have thought yourself capable. But Reagan had that harder and more exhausting courage, the courage to swim against the tide. And we all forget it now because he changed the tide. Looking back, we forget that the political mood of today, in which he might find himself quite comfortable, is quite different from the political mood the day he walked into politics. But he had no choice, he couldn't not swim against the tide. In the fifties and sixties all of his thoughts and observations led him to believe that Americans were slowly but surely losing their freedoms. When he got to Hollywood as a young man in his twenties, he shared and was impressed by the general thinking of the good and sophisticated people of New York and Hollywood with regard to politics. He was a liberal Democrat, as his father was, and he felt a great attachment to the party. He was proud that his father had refused to take him and his brother Moon to the movie, Birth of a Nation , with its racial stereotypes. And he bragged that his father, Jack, a salesman, had, back long ago when Reagan was a kid, once spent the night in his car rather than sleep in a hotel that wouldn't take Jews. Ronald Reagan as a young man was a Roosevelt supporter, he was all for FDR, and when he took part in his first presidential campaign he made speeches for Harry Truman in 1948. When Reagan changed, it was against the tide. It might be said that the heyday of modern political liberalism, in its American manifestation, was the 1960s, when the Great Society began and the Kennedys were secular saints and the costs of enforced liberalism were not yet apparent. And that is precisely when Reagan came down hard right, all for Goldwater in 1964. This was very much the wrong side of the fashionable argument to be on; it wasn't a way to gain friends in influential quarters, it wasn't exactly a career-enhancing move. But Reagan thought the conservatives were right. So he joined them, at the least advantageous moment, the whole country going this way on a twenty-year experiment, and Reagan going that way, thinking he was right and thinking that sooner or later he and the country were going to meet in a historic rendezvous. His courage was composed in part of intellectual conviction and in part of sheer toughness. When we think of Reagan, we think so immediately of his presidency that we tend to forget what came before. What came before 1980 was 1976--and Reagan's insurgent presidential bid against the incumbent Republican President Jerry Ford. Ford was riding pretty high, he was the good man who followed Nixon after the disgrace of Watergate; but Ford was a moderate liberal Republican, and Reagan thought he was part of the problem, so he declared against him. He ran hard. And by March 1976 he had lost five straight primaries in a row. He was in deep trouble--eleven of twelve former chairmen of the Republican National Committee called on him to get out of the race, the Republican Conference of Mayors told him to get out, on March 18 the Los Angeles Times told him to quit. The Reagan campaign was $2 to $3 million in debt, and they were forced to give up their campaign plane for a small leased jet, painted yellow, that they called "The Flying Banana." On March 23, they were in Wisconsin, where Reagan was to address a bunch of duck hunters. Before the speech, Reagan and his aides gathered in his room at a dreary hotel to debate getting out of the race. The next day there would be another primary, in North Carolina, and they knew they'd lose. Most of the people in the room said, "It's over, we have no money, no support, we lost five so far and tomorrow we lose six." John Sears, the head of the campaign, told the governor, "You know, one of your supporters down in Texas says he'll lend us a hundred thousand dollars if you'll rebroadcast that speech where you give Ford and Kissinger hell on defense." The talk went back and forth. Marty Anderson, the wonderful longtime Reagan aide who told me this story, said he sat there thinking, 'This is crazy, another hundred grand in debt....' The talk went back and forth and then Reagan spoke. He said "Okay, we'll do it. Get the hundred thousand, we'll run the national defense speech." He said, "I am taking this all the way to the convention at Kansas City, and I don't care if I lose every damn primary along the way." And poor Marty thought to himself, 'Oh Lord, there are twenty-one....' The next night at a speech, Marty was standing in the back and Frank Reynolds of ABC News came up all excited with a piece of paper in his hand that said 55-45. Marty thought, 'Oh, we're losing by ten.' And Reynolds said, "You're winning by ten!" Reagan was told, but he wouldn't react or celebrate until he was back on the plane and the pilot got the latest results. Then, with half the vote in and a solid lead, he finally acknowledged victory in North Carolina with a plastic glass of champagne and a bowl of ice cream. Ronald Reagan, twenty-four hours before, had been no-money-no-support-gonna-lose-dead--but he made the decision he would not quit, and at the end he came within a whisker of taking the nomination from Ford..... We have all noticed in life that big people with big virtues not infrequently have big flaws, too. Reagan's great flaw it seemed to me, and seems to me, was not one of character but personality. That was his famous detachment, which was painful for his children and disorienting for his staff. No one around him quite understood it, the deep and emotional engagement in public events and public affairs, and the slight and seemingly formal interest in the lives of those around him. James Baker III called him the kindest and most impersonal man he'd ever known, and there was some truth to that.... He had a temper. He didn't get mad lightly, but when he did it was real and hit like lightning.... Reagan is always described as genial and easygoing, but Marty Anderson used to call him "warmly ruthless." He would do in the nicest possible way what had to be done. He was as nice as he could be about it, but he knew where he was going, and if you were in the way you were gone. And you might argue his ruthlessness made everything possible.

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U.S. Presidents / Ronald Reagan

1911 - 2004

Ronald reagan.

…with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew our faith and our hope. Inaugural Address

Ronald Wilson Reagan, the 40th President of the United States, followed a unique path to the White House. After successful careers as a radio sports announcer, Hollywood movie actor, and television host, he turned to politics and was elected governor of California in 1966, serving eight years. He ran unsuccessfully for President in 1968 and 1976, but in 1980, during a time of U.S. economic troubles and foreign policy difficulties, he won the Republican presidential nomination in a contest with George H.W. Bush and others and defeated President Jimmy Carter in the general election.

Life In Depth Essays

• Life in Brief
• Life Before the Presidency
• Campaigns and Elections
• Domestic Affairs
• Foreign Affairs
• Life After the Presidency
• Family Life
• Impact and Legacy

Chicago Style

Miller Center of Public Affairs, University of Virginia. “Ronald Reagan.” Accessed June 25, 2024. https://millercenter.org/president/reagan.

Mr. Cannon is the author of nine books, five of them on Ronald Reagan, and has been called Reagan’s definitive biographer. As a journalist, he covered the Reagan presidency for  The Washington Post  and the Reagan governorship of California for the  San Jose Mercury-News.  

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Ronald Reagan and Supply-Side Economics

Written by: chester pach, ohio university, by the end of this section, you will:.

• Explain the causes and effects of continuing policy debates about the role of the federal government over time

Suggested Sequencing

Use this narrative after students have read the introductory essay to introduce domestic milestones during Reagan’s presidency. This narrative can be used with The Space Shuttle Program and the Challenger Disaster Narrative; the Ronald Reagan, Address to the Nation on the Challenger Disaster, January 28, 1986 Primary Source; and the Herblock, Cartoons of Ronald Reagan, 1984-1987 Primary Source.

Supply-side economics, a policy advocating lower taxes and less government regulation of business, gained popularity during the 1970s, a decade in which the U.S. economy suffered from the chronic economic problem of stagflation. High unemployment, high inflation, and sluggish economic growth characterized stagflation, which worsened during the second half of the decade. During the campaign of 1976, Jimmy Carter had complained about the misery index: the combined rates of inflation and unemployment, which stood at more than 13 percent on Election Day. Four years later, when Carter sought a second term, the misery index had reached a painful 21 percent.

Stagflation arose from complex causes, including a surge in oil prices and a drop in the productivity of U.S. workers. As president, Carter tried to combat stagflation by calling for energy conservation, attempting to control federal spending, and deregulating the trucking and airline industries to encourage competition. On July 15, 1979, he gave a televised speech in which he claimed that there was a larger problem than stagflation, which he called a “crisis of confidence” that was eroding faith in government and in the future. Carter’s address about what many commentators called “the national malaise” failed, however, to alleviate popular discontent as the misery index continued to climb.

Conventional economic thinking suggested that high inflation and sluggish economic growth would not occur simultaneously. Keynesianism – the theories of British economist John Maynard Keynes – dominated economic thinking at the beginning of the 1970s and encouraged government to concentrate on regulating consumer demand through either tax and spending cuts or increases as the key to maintaining prosperity. The inability of Keynesianism to explain stagflation, much less alleviate it, opened the door for new ideas from supply siders, economists who concentrated on the supply side of the economy – businesses, investment, and labor – and believed that government should cut business taxes, reduce the marginal tax rates of wealthy individuals to encourage investment, and eliminate unnecessary regulations to stimulate economic growth. Among the academic experts who embraced supply-side thinking was Arthur Laffer of the University of Southern California. Laffer popularized the idea that tax cuts could increase government revenues or even pay for themselves, using a simple diagram known as the Laffer Curve.

Arthur Laffer’s economic theories called for reducing taxes to increase government revenue. Laffer, pictured here in 2010, argued that regulations and taxes prevented businesses from producing, which led to fewer goods and investments for the government to tax for revenue.

A prominent advocate of supply-side economics was Rep. Jack Kemp (R-NY), who devised a plan to encourage economic growth through tax reductions. Along with Sen. William Roth (R-DE), Kemp introduced to Congress a proposal to cut personal tax rates by 30 percent over three years. During his presidential campaign in 1980, Ronald Reagan endorsed the Kemp-Roth proposal and embraced supply-side ideas. Reagan later explained in his memoirs that his support of tax cuts came from personal experience as a highly paid actor in Hollywood in the 1950s who had to pay a marginal tax rate on his earnings of 91 percent. He thought it was “common sense” to reduce taxes so people would have the incentive to work harder and fuel economic growth.

Once he became president, Reagan gave highest priority to implementing his economic program, known as Reaganomics. The president believed he could encourage strong economic growth, reduce inflation, increase defense spending, and balance the budget while cutting taxes and reducing social welfare programs. His ideas were unconventional in the early 1980s; Vice President George H. W. Bush, when campaigning in 1980 for the Republican presidential nomination, called Reagan’s ideas “voodoo economics.” Reagan overcame such skepticism and, in August 1981, signed into law the Economic Recovery Tax Act, which was a modified version of the Kemp-Roth proposal. It reduced personal income tax rates in three annual installments of 5, 10, and 10 percent; lowered the highest marginal tax rate on top earners from 70 to 50 percent; and cut corporate taxes.

What followed was recession rather than recovery. The main reason was a decision by the chair of the Federal Reserve Board, Paul Volcker, to squeeze inflation out of the economy. Under Volcker’s leadership, the Federal Reserve Board reduced the money supply, which drove up loan interest rates and made investment more difficult for businesses and credit harder to obtain for consumers. Volcker succeeded, but at considerable cost. Inflation plunged, but the economy fell into the worst recession since the Great Depression. Unemployment climbed to 10.8 percent; business failures reached the highest levels since the 1930s.

Recovery began in late 1982. It was the start of sustained economic growth that lasted for the remainder of the decade. The Gross National Product, a measure of the overall size of the economy, increased by 3.6 percent in 1983, by 6.8 percent in 1984, and by an average annual rate of 3.2 percent during Reagan’s second term. The New York Stock Market’s Dow-Jones Industrial Average grew by almost one-third in Reagan’s first term and by more than two-thirds in his second term. Improvements were slower on Main Street (i.e., among workers) than on Wall Street. The unemployment rate did not fall below 8 percent until 1984, nor below 6 percent until 1988. Still, Reagan could claim that his tax cuts had contributed to the rejuvenation of the economy. Indeed, the campaign slogan of his landslide reelection victory in 1984 was “It’s morning again in America.”

Improvements in the economy produced a celebration of wealth. Young urban professionals, or “yuppies,” attracted media attention because of their conspicuous consumption of designer clothes, gourmet foods, and luxury automobiles. A new television show, Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous , provided glimpses into the opulent lives of celebrities, with host Robin Leach wishing viewers “champagne dreams and caviar wishes.” Business leaders became folk heroes and celebrities. Donald J. Trump, for example, won national acclaim for touting how his mastery of the art of the deal enabled him to amass a fortune by renovating buildings in New York, building casinos in Atlantic City, and putting his name on those properties. Ivan Boesky became even wealthier by speculating in corporate mergers and acquisitions and then defended his acquisitive lifestyle by claiming that “greed is all right.” Boesky, however, proved himself wrong. He pleaded guilty to insider trading, served two years in prison, and paid a $100 million fine. Critics pointed to him as an example of 1980s excess.

Although the economy improved during Reagan’s final six years in office, there were two persistent problems. One was the federal deficit. Sustained economic growth did not offset Reagan’s tax cuts and concurrent spending increases. Although federal revenue surged from $599 billion in 1981 to $991 billion in 1989, Reagan’s defense buildup and inability to control federal spending on the welfare state meant the federal deficit swelled to record peacetime levels. Indeed, during his administration, the national debt increased by a larger amount than it had during all previous presidencies combined.

Ronald Reagan addressing Congress about the economy in 1981. Behind him are (left) Vice President George H. W. Bush and (right) Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill.

The second problem was growing wealth inequality. This trend began during the 1970s; it continued during the Reagan years and after. Between 1977 and 1989, the wealthiest 20 percent of Americans saw their pretax income increase by 29 percent, whereas the pretax income of the poorest shrank by 9 percent. Those in middle-income categories enjoyed only a modest increase. Between 1970 and 1995, the richest 1 percent of American households saw their share of the nation’s wealth increase from 20 to 40 percent. These trends reversed the pattern in the 1950s and 1960s, when the largest income growth had occurred among the poorest 40 percent of American households.

There have been many explanations for increasing wealth inequality but no agreement about its causes. Among the possibilities are the decline in the number of unionized workers, the shift from a manufacturing to a service economy, global competition, and tax cuts that have favored the affluent. Whatever the cause, the data suggest the United States has become “the most economically stratified of the industrial nations.”

The Reagan administration experimented with then-novel economic theories to solve what seemed to be the intractable problem of stagflation during the 1970s. Although its solutions were largely successful during the 1980s, long-term economic trends in the global economy led to several challenges in the early twenty-first century. Economists and national politicians still debate the causes of and solutions to those economic problems.

Review Questions

1. The misery index, as referred to in the presidential debates of 1976 and 1980, measured

• the combined rates of inflation and unemployment
• the poverty rate and the unemployment rate
• the rate at which the national debt increased
• the combined rates of federal, state, and local income taxes

2. The most important recommendation made by supply-side economists in the 1970s to spur economic growth was

• to increase federal spending
• to cut taxes
• to lower interest rates
• to increase wages

3. Which economic goal did Reaganomics fail to achieve?

• Lower inflation
• Lower unemployment
• Lower personal income taxes
• A balanced federal budget

4. Keynesian economics most clearly rested on the premise that

• stagflation was a naturally occurring economic phenomenon
• government spending encouraged consumer demand
• cutting business taxes and regulations is the most important job of government
• the federal government should follow a laissez-faire economic policy

5. Economist Arthur Laffer influenced economic policy during the Reagan years by mistakenly supporting the idea that

• increased government spending ensures a healthy economy
• high inflation results from a sluggish economy
• government regulation leads to increased consumer demand
• tax cuts lead to increased government revenues

6. President Ronald Reagan and Representative Jack Kemp both

• supported supply-side economics
• advocated continuing the economic policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt
• disputed the ideas of economist Arthur Laffer
• proposed increasing deficit spending to deal with the recession

7. The federal deficits grew during the Reagan Administration, partly due to

• increased wealth inequality
• an increase in corporate bankruptcies
• inadequate tax cuts
• increased government spending

Free Response Questions

• Analyze the factors that led to a growth in wealth inequality during the 1970s and 1980s.
• Explain how Reaganomics challenged the contemporary economic policy in the United States.
• Compare and contrast Reagan’s economic policy with Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society policies (see the Chapter 14 Lyndon B. Johnson, Commencement Address at the University of Michigan (“Great Society” Speech), May 22, 1964 Primary Source ).

AP Practice Questions

Federal budget deficits are shown in red and budget surpluses in green. (credit: “Federal Budget Deficits and Surpluses” by Bill of Rights Institute/Flickr, CC BY 4.0)

1. What was a direct result of the trend demonstrated in the chart during the last quarter of the twentieth century?

• Removal of international nuclear arsenals
• A debate over the scope of government-funded welfare programs
• An increase in the political power of the left
• The decline of the military-industrial complex

2. The trend that dominated the period shown in the chart was most directly shaped by

• the end of the Cold War
• defense spending and tax cuts
• climate change
• cultural debates and immigration

3. A historian might use this graph to support an argument for

• the continuing problem of federal deficits
• the economic effects of postwar decolonization
• the growing economic influence of the American South and West
• the impact of the counterculture on the decline in public trust

Primary Sources

FRASER website. https://fraser.stlouisfed.org/

Reagan, Ronald. An American Life . New York: Pocket Books, 1990.

Suggested Resources

Collins, Robert W. Transforming America: Politics and Culture during the Reagan Years . New York: Columbia University Press, 2007.

Domitrovic, Brian. Econoclasts: The Rebels Who Sparked the Supply-Side Revolution and Restored American Prosperity . Wilmington, DE: ISI Books, 2009.

Sloan, John W. The Reagan Effect: Economics and Presidential Leadership . Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2007.

Troy, Gil. Morning in America: How Ronald Reagan Invented the 1980s . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005.

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Ronald Reagan: Essays on the Legacy of an American Icon

SKU: BKP273

June 5, 2024 marked the twentieth anniversary of the passing of Ronald Reagan. On this day, we reflected on President Reagan's profound influence on our nation and the world, recognizing the enduring impact of his leadership, his dedication to fostering a spirit of optimism, and his unwavering commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy. The essays collected within this book are from the men and women who knew him best - family, friends, and staff - who have encapsulated their memories and reflections of their time with our nation's fortieth President. It is our hope that as you read these essays, you are reminded of our fortieth president's optimistic spirit, his indelible character, and his wicked sense of humor. You'll find essays that showcase how his belief in face-to face diplomacy resulted in deep-rooted friendships. You'll find essays of inspiration, faith and hope. And you'll find essays that define his core principles of individual liberty, economic opportunity, freedom and democracy, peace through strength, and national pride.

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