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Thoughtfully articulated to help find jobs overseas for the millions of job seekers in India, with enough of choices, Assignments Abroad Times hit upon the news stands, way back in February 27, 1993. That turned out to be an event and history. A weekly newspaper on Saturdays carrying ads to cater job seekers an opening abroad. It had its own trials and tribunals and never regretted for having launched it. AAT was born out of conviction to help poor job seekers, so say everybody. Adjusting to all sorts of privations. AAT has acquired the quality of piety and willingness to forgive and forget. Now AAT is well on its pursuit and have acquired epitome of composure. In 1997 AAT has turned a Biweekly bringing out another edition on Wednesdays. This has also clicked in the market very well. EPAPER
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If a country continues to receive plaudits or don top rankings as a cynosure of visitors and travellers, there must be some permanent exceptional elements. The uae is one such attraction of a permanent nature. year after year the country remains on the top list, whether as the most-favoured destination for expatriates for living, travel or business. Travelling abroad is one thing, but starting a new life overseas is another. expats who’ve moved abroad say the uae, Bahrain and singapore are the top three places where it is relatively easy to settle in. a survey of nearly 12,000 expats around the world by inter-nations, an expat community group with 4.5 million members in 420 cities around the world, ranked locations based on what it. calls the expat essentials index, which considers newcomers’ assessments of their digital life, like access to administrative services online, housing affordability and ease of finding, administrative topics like the ease of opening a local bank account or getting a visa. newcomers say it is easy to get a visa, find housing, access government services online and get around without speaking the local language. all offer easy communication without big language barriers and also pose minimal bureaucratic issues. They also note that english is widely spoken in these places, which can make it easier for foreigners to deal with bureaucratic and administrative to-dos when moving. These locations are well known as popular expat destinations, and because of this, they may have adapted to make things easier for new arrivals from abroad. many expats moving to the uae, Bahrain and singapore are from india and are moving for work-related reasons, to find a job on their own, for a foreign assignment, because they are an international recruit, or they are starting their own business. The authorities continue to surprise the world with new and irresistible attractions.
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Job Openings for Engineers in Nigeria – Refinery Expansion Project
Qatar – Job Openings for Oil & Gas Construction Project – Apply Now
Jobs in Saudi Arabia Nov 2024 – Large Vacancies | Apply Now!
UAE – Job Opportunities in Abu Dhabi for Oil & Gas Shutdown Project | Free Recruitment
UAE – Recruitment for Penta Global Engineering GC LLC
UAE – Urgent Hiring for Penta Global Engineering GC LLC in Abu Dhabi – Interview on 8th November 2024
Malayala Classified Gulf Jobs Newspaper 30th October 2024
Job Openings in Oman for Facilities Maintenance Project – Engineering and Surveying Roles
Job Openings with Descon UAE – Shutdown Project Roles Available
Saudi Arabia – Job Opportunities with Leading Oil & Gas Company – QC Inspector Roles Available
Urgent Hiring for MADO Real Estate Company in Saudi Arabia – Maintenance Division Roles
Job Opportunities in Kuwait with Design Hub Decoration Co. WLL – Multiple Positions Available
Saudi Arabia and UAE – Job Openings with China Construction Company – Online Interview
Saudi Arabia – Recruiting for Leading Group of Companies
UAE – Hiring For Enova by Veolia, a leading facility management company
Urgent Job Openings in UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain – Apply Now!
Qatar – Urgent Recruitment For Galfar Company
Saudi Arabia – Job Opportunities with Leading Maintenance Company – Apply Now!
Saudi Arabia – Job Opportunities with Seder Group – Direct Company Visa & Immediate Hiring
Saudi Arabia – Job Openings for Private Group of Companies
Urgent Hiring for Drivers in UAE – Pickup and Heavy Duty Driver Positions Available
Saui Arabia – Urgent Hiring for Leading Chain of Restaurant – Zoom Interview
Saudi Arabia – Hiring for Substation or power plant project
UAE – Job Opportunities for Long-Term Oil & Gas Project – Multiple Positions Available
Job openings for various job positions in leading FMC at DUBAI-UAE
Urgent Job Openings in Qatar Govt Hospital
Saudi Arabia – Job Openings for QA/QC Professionals in Petrochemical, Oil & Gas Industry
UAE – Job Openings in Dubai’s Semi-Government Maintenance Division
Saudi Arabia – Job Vacancies For a leading Operation and Maintenance company
Qatar – Urgent Hiring for HVAC and Lighting Technicians in Oil & Gas Sector – Free Recruitment
Hiring for a Construction Equipment Workshop in Saudi Arabia
Job Opportunities in Qatar’s Semi-Government Catering Company
Urgent Job Openings in Oman for a Leading Facility Management Company
Saudi Arabia – Job Openings for Long-Term Oil & Gas Project
Career Opportunities in Saudi Arabia with Masah Construction Company
Job Opportunities in Sharjah, UAE | Apply Now for Engineering & Production Roles
Saudi Arabia – Recruitment for Petrochemical & Refinery Industry | Apply Now
Job Opportunities in Dubai with a Leading Facilities Management Company | Final Interview on 7th November 2024
UAE – Urgent Recruitment for Oil & Gas Company
Job Vacancies in Saudi Arabia for a Leading Contracting Company | Interview on 18th November
Saudi Arabia – Adult ICU Staff Nurse Urgently Required for KFMMC, Dhahran
Large Vacancies in Kuwait for Oil & Gas Maintenance Project | Free Food & Accommodation
Jobs in Kuwait for Oil & Gas Maintenance Project | Apply Now
Job Opportunities in Oman | Apply Now for Technical Positions with Online Interview
Job Opportunities in Saudi Arabia with the projects of Total refinery and Petrochemical company (Project Management Team roles)
UAE – Long-Term Construction Project Job Opportunities | Apply Now
Job Opportunities in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia for Oil, Gas & Power Generation | Apply Now
Job Openings in Saudi Arabia with Zamil Industrial | Client Interview on 22nd November
Job Openings in Abu Dhabi and Bahrain for an American Pipe Fabrication Company | Free Recruitment
Job Opportunities in Serbia and Romania for Long-Term Projects | Apply Now
Job Opportunities in Kuwait, UAE, and Oman | Apply Now for Various Technical and Hospitality Roles
Job Openings in Bahrain for Oil & Gas Construction Projects | Walk-In Interviews on 9th November
Job Openings in UAE for MEP Division of a Leading Construction Group | Interviews on 9th November
Saudi Arabia – Job Opportunities for Facility Management Roles in NEOM Project | Interviews on 9th November
Job Opportunities in Saudi Arabia with a Leading MNC | Interviews on 12th November 2024
Job Openings in Russia for Construction and Maintenance Roles | Interviews on 19th & 20th November 2024
Job Openings in Saudi Arabia for Construction & Contracting Roles
UAE – Job Openings for Deyaar Facility Management Company in Dubai
Job Openings for Engineering and Technical Roles in Russia | Interviews on 15th & 16th November 2024
Job Opportunities for Shipyard Operations in Saudi Arabia | Apply Now for Online Interviews!
Job Openings for a Leading Ready Mix Cement Company in Oman | Immediate Visa Available!
Job Opportunities for Catering Roles in Saudi Arabia’s NEOM Project | Apply Now!
Saudi Arrabia – Job Opportunities at a Gas Station Company | Apply Now!
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Assignment Abroad Times – 02 Nov 2024
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Updated Today – Download Assignment abroad times pdf paper – 1000+ Job vacancies for Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Europe. Assignment Abroad Times is a weekly-based E-paper, which is updated weekly on Wednesdays and Saturdays. In this E-paper, you can check Gulf job interview information across India. Assignment abroad times is also known as Overseas Assignments.
Assignment Abroad Times Job Types
In this paper, there are various types of job vacancies available to apply for Gulf countries, like – Oil & Gas Jobs, Shutdown Jobs, Engineering Jobs, Construction jobs, Accounts jobs, Admin jobs, Hotel and Management jobs, Technical jobs, Onshore/Offshore jobs, Aviation jobs, Healthcare jobs, Driver & Operator jobs, Hospitality & Facility Management Jobs, IT & Communication jobs, Fabrication jobs, Safety jobs, etc.
Today’s Assignment Abroad Times – Download
As you already know that the Assignment Abroad Times is a PDF Paper, in which abroad job advertisements are displayed in image form. All the important details about the job vacancies are given in those images. To download the E-paper you can click on the download button given below after clicking you will be redirected to the PDF paper, where you can view the paper or you can download it for later, it’s up to you.
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Manpower / Recruitment agencies across India have displayed their jobs on the Assignment Abroad Times paper, in this job paper all the job details like – job position, eligibility, qualification, salary, facilities, and hiring organization details like – Consultancy name, Address, email address, phone number are given. To apply for any position, you have to send your updated Cv, along with supporting documents to the mentioned email address or you can contact the given number for more details. Note – Please make sure you must mention your job position in the email subject line.
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How Four Posts on Instagram Destroyed Her Life
On Oct. 7, an Israeli college student opened her phone. What she did next landed her in prison.
Rita Murad, who was a 21-year-old college student when she was arrested over social media posts made immediately after the Oct. 7 attacks. Credit... Avishag Shaar-Yashuv for The New York Times
Supported by
By Jesse Barron
Jesse Barron is a contributing writer for the magazine. He traveled all over Israel — Jerusalem, Nazareth, Haifa, Tel Aviv, Lod — to report this story.
- Published Nov. 3, 2024 Updated Nov. 4, 2024, 12:02 p.m. ET
“The police are looking for you,” her father said.
Listen to this article, read by Rasha Zamamiri
Five cruisers had come to Rita Murad’s family home. It was a two-story building of unpainted concrete, set on a tightly packed street in Nazareth, one of the largest Arab cities in Israel. The officers said they were here for Murad, who was 21.
That day, Oct. 29 of last year, Murad was not at the house. She didn’t even live at that address. Since leaving Nazareth to go to college in Haifa, she had rented an apartment near campus. Murad seemed like an average Israeli college student, favoring gold chains, crop tops, late nights and Marlboros, though when it came to academics, she stood out; she had always been at the top of her high school class. Besides Arabic and Hebrew, she spoke English with only a trace of an accent, a skill she perfected during a junior-year study-abroad program at a high school in Vermont.
Murad knew that she would have to turn herself in, so she packed a bag and went back to Nazareth, where her father drove her to the city’s main police station. Raising his two daughters alone after the death of his wife in a car accident, Saleem Murad worried that any trouble with the law could derail Rita’s studies. When he was younger, he enrolled at the same college, the Technion, with aspirations similar to his daughter’s. But he ran out of money and finished his degree elsewhere. He dropped his daughter at the blue gate of the station.
An officer took Murad into an interview room. He was Arab, like her, but there was no rapport between them; his face conveyed skepticism, then anger. They sat across from each other at a simple wooden table. The officer explained that Murad was being investigated for terrorism. He put his hand on the computer monitor in front of him and began to turn it toward her.
Murad could already guess what the monitor would display. For the past few weeks, friends had been texting her, warning that a handful of her private Instagram stories, which she shared on the day of the Hamas attack, were being passed among Jewish students at the university. She thought that someone must have shown them to the police. She didn’t know who.
On the morning of Oct. 7, Murad was in the middle of an exam period. She woke up late when a friend called her. “The world is burning,” her friend said. Murad didn’t have a TV, so she opened Instagram to see what was up. She had a locked account with 1,100 followers, and she hadn’t posted to her grid in a couple of years, but it was still a place to share occasional stories, and her main source of news.
If you were looking only at social media that morning, your understanding of what happened depended on what your feed served you. Accounts that were popular among Israel’s Arab citizens were not posting the same content that was broadcast on Channel 12, or published on the homepage of The Jerusalem Post. The news account Eye on Palestine, whose millions of followers included Murad, was a case in point: It immediately highlighted the Israeli counterattack, which started at around 10 a.m. There was a photo of men carrying a shrouded body on a stretcher.
Murad scrolled, landing on a few viral images that were circulating that morning and quickly turned into Instagram memes. Metras, a news account with 250,000 followers that focused on Palestinian issues, had a picture of the bulldozer breaking through the border fence in Gaza, along with a caption in Arabic: “While the ‘undefeated army’ was asleep.” There was a group of Palestinian teenagers sitting on what looked like a captured Israeli jeep — someone had captioned it “Gaza today.” There was a grid of the faces of dead children, with the quote, “Where were your tears when we were murdered?” posted by a young Palestinian influencer, whose account mixed activism with hot selfies. The algorithm also served a post from an account Murad didn’t follow, an “Italian American socialist.” He had posted a quote: “Do you support decolonization as an abstract academic theory? Or as a tangible event?” The posts had thousands of likes and shares. Murad shared all four of them to her stories.
By the time they were automatically deleted 24 hours later, the political climate in her country had transformed. It was inconceivable for an Israeli not to know the full details of the attack. More than 1,200 people were dead. Some 250 were held hostage in Gaza. If you didn’t know these facts on the morning of the 7th, you knew them in the weeks after.
Murad spent those weeks in suspense, swinging between normalcy and fear. The Technion had canceled exam period. The students had scattered. In Nazareth, the government hung Israeli flags from the public buildings. Nazarenes braced themselves for what was coming: Every time there was a war, they knew, the Israeli state became suspicious of its Arab minority. Protesters were jailed; relations with the Jewish majority soured.
The more time passed, the worse the posts looked for Murad. When the officer pulled them up in late October, on the computer screen at the police station, they didn’t seem innocent or stupid; they seemed like evidence of a crime. It is illegal in Israel to commit “incitement to terrorism” — to say something publicly, or share an image, that might lead someone else to engage in a terrorist act.
“How can you support what’s in these images?” Murad recalls the officer asking. “Do you support Hamas?”
She didn’t, she said. “What made you say that I could possibly support acts that were so violent, so atrocious?” she told him. She didn’t believe in their misogyny and homophobia. As an atheist, she rejected their hard-line religious ideology. “I’m a college student at the Technion,” she told him, as though the words were talismanic.
The officer wasn’t having it. “You know you’ve just ruined your life,” he said.
Murad’s family home — the unpainted, two-story building — was the typical style in Nazareth, where too many people lived in too confined a space. The second floors were often added several decades after the first, because in Nazareth you could only build up, not out: In the 1950s, Jewish leaders were concerned that Nazareth might expand too far, so they drew a tight boundary around the city and established a new Jewish town, Nof HaGalil, right on its border, cinching the population in tightly.
There are jobs at a strip of factories to the north, making cabinets or truck bodies, but the tax district is drawn so that revenues flow not to the Arab areas, but to Nof HaGalil. This is one reason that the four-lane road that divides the two cities is actually a barrier between one political reality and another. On the Nazareth side, the streets are busy with activity, and seamstresses and electronics-repair shops dominate the first floors of the buildings, but the trash isn’t collected regularly, and there are hardly any public parks or playgrounds. On the Nof HaGalil side, a sterile quiet pervades, but the smoothly paved streets run past children playing in parks, and office buildings and shopping malls loom over the surrounding hills.
Murad was in high school when she started taking the bus ride from Nazareth to Haifa — up to 70 minutes each way, twice a week — to attend a gifted-and-talented program at the Technion. A train would have been faster, but the national train service only stops in the Jewish towns and cities, not Arab ones. An American teenager might have described this experience in a college essay, but the Technion doesn’t require essays for admission; the school didn’t care about a student’s personal background at all. The only things that mattered were your scores on a national exam and your grades. Murad had the numbers, so they offered her a place. She thought her degree would put her in the best position to later get a job in tech, a booming field in Israel. “I was proud of being there,” Murad told me. “It’s like Israel’s M.I.T.”
In the fall of 2021, she moved to an apartment in Haifa. In Nazareth, she mainly crossed paths with Jews in the shopping centers of Nof HaGalil, but in a mixed city, Jews and Arabs sat in class together and went to the same bars. The Technion mirrored the demographics of Israel, which is about 80 percent Jewish and 20 percent Arab, and underneath the hum of pleasant campus life there were the same tensions as outside the gates — the same competing stories about whom Israel was for.
For example: There was a student in Murad’s department named Tal Benjo, who grew up in Rehovot, a midsize city south of Tel Aviv where everyone was Jewish. After his service in the Israel Defense Forces, he enrolled in the Technion, where he joined the local chapter of Im Tirtzu, an ultra-Zionist student organization. Im Tirtzu members were known for their disruptive activities on campus. At the Nakba Day demonstrations where Arab Israeli students mourned the Palestinian losses of 1948, Im Tirtzu once inflated a 15-foot Pinocchio balloon, and once blasted an Israeli Eurovision song during the moment of silence.
After the attack, Benjo was following developments on his own campus and others. The National Union of Israeli Students urged its 400,000 members to inform on their classmates by making anonymous tips about social media posts through a Google form. Volunteers translated the Arabic into Hebrew. If the content looked suspicious enough, the volunteers forwarded it to school administrations. They also sent copies to the police.
At the Technion, a group of students formed a team to monitor their classmates’ social media posts. Benjo took charge of it. Soon, a tip came in. A student who followed Murad — he was a member of the Druze religious minority, an Arab group that has historically aligned with the state — sent Murad’s stories to Benjo. On Oct. 10, Benjo walked into the police station in Rehovot. He told an officer that he wanted to make a complaint. “From last Saturday, when the events with Gaza terrorists started,” he said, according to the officer’s written notes, “I started seeing on Instagram that people published stories which express solidarity or support for Hamas. One of them is a girl called Rita Murad, whom I know.”
Prosecutors filed their indictment against Murad on Nov. 6. Along with incitement, they added a lesser charge, “identifying with a terrorist group,” which brought the total potential sentence to five years in prison.
The people responsible for monitoring the social media activity of Israelis work on the ground floor of the Ministry of Justice building in Jerusalem, in a pleasant, calm room with frosted-glass walls. When I visited this spring, 11 analysts — the youngest of whom was 18 — were seated at double computer monitors, scouring the internet for incitement cases. A TV on the wall was playing Al Jazeera, which had itself been ensnared in the crackdown on speech in Israel. The Netanyahu government had just raided and shut down its local office, claiming that the network incited terrorism.
Between 2020 and 2023, prosecutors filed incitement-to-terrorism charges about once or twice a month, on average. In the past 12 months, 189 defendants have been indicted, with hundreds more arrested, investigated and released for lack of evidence. The suspects aren’t high-profile Arab activists. They’re emergency-room nurses, kindergarten teachers and college students. This policy has led to scenes that cause widespread intimidation: In broad daylight, police officers blindfolded and zip-tied a female Arab hairdresser in Majd al-Krum, on suspicion of making social media posts that criticized the I.D.F. By the time she was released, the video of her arrest had gone viral.
Dror Asraf, the head of the intelligence division for the Israel Police, is tall and square-jawed, with large hands that he uses to punctuate his points. When a suspect hears that he’s charged with incitement, Asraf said, “the first thing he will say is: ‘What do you want from me? I said my view. Why are you thinking it’s incitement?’ Because inside of him, he’s sure that it’s free.” Asraf said that because he was investigating “ordinary people” for a “complicated crime,” he said he only took action when it was “100 percent clear.” (His group didn’t touch Murad’s case, because it originated from Benjo’s complaint.) Hoping to correct any misconceptions that an American might have about the unit’s work, Asraf had agreed that I could visit if I didn’t publish any of the specific social media posts his analysts were reviewing, and if I didn’t use the analysts’ full names.
Mostly, the team works by reading social media feeds, though occasionally they get warrants to put wiretaps on phones. On their screens were Arabic Telegram channels, a Facebook group organizing an anti-Netanyahu protest that afternoon in Tel Aviv. One analyst was screenshotting Arabic posts into an untitled Microsoft Word document. Another was reading Hebrew ones, looking for far-right Jewish incitement, Asraf said.
Everything in the intelligence unit’s office was new — the furniture, the fresh-faced analysts — and this was not a coincidence. The upgrades were made only a few years earlier, Asraf said, in response to the violent events of the spring of 2021. That May, six Palestinian families from the East Jerusalem neighborhood Sheikh Jarrah were about to be evicted, their homes seized by Jewish settlers. A video captured a settler — a heavyset American man in a white T-shirt and sweatpants — arguing with a Palestinian woman in the yard of her house, one of the six at play in the eviction case. “You are stealing my house,” the woman says, in a pleading tone of voice. “If I don’t steal it, someone else is going to steal it,” the man replies.
In Sheikh Jarrah, a group of Palestinians had set up tables in the street for the traditional meal at the end of the day during Ramadan. Jewish settlers put out a table across from them. A settler discharged a can of pepper spray. Palestinians threw rocks, and it spiraled into a brawl. Police intervened and made arrests. The country seemed to catch fire. The Israeli police raided the Al-Aqsa Mosque — one of the holiest sites in Islam — and fired stun grenades at Palestinian worshipers, who were pelting them with rocks. Hamas fired rockets toward Jerusalem. Israel returned fire into Gaza. Riots broke out in the Arab-majority cities. A Jewish gunman killed an Arab in the mixed city of Lod; the next day, a Jewish man in Lod was hit in the head with a brick while driving home. He died in the hospital. Synagogues and shops were burned. A video shot from inside an Arab home in Haifa showed a family trying to hold the door closed as a Jewish mob tried to force its way in. In total, at least 13 Israelis and more than 250 Palestinians, mostly in Gaza, were killed.
The Israel Police drew a very specific moral from all these events: It would have to do more to monitor social media. Riots occurred when citizens “responded to the call” online, Asraf said. After the Guardian of the Walls, he told me, using the Jewish term for the military operation that put down the conflict, the division got new equipment, new software and more personnel. (Palestinians call the same events the Uprising of Dignity.)
Earlier in our interview I asked Asraf for an example of an incitement case that might have prevented a terrorist attack, and he hadn’t yet provided one. Now he gestured at an analyst and prompted him to tell a story. On the morning of the October attack, the analyst said, he came upon one of the Hamas GoPro feeds that was livestreaming footage from the Nahal Oz kibbutz. Suddenly he saw a man being taken hostage and recognized the face. It was a close friend, a man he grew up with. “When I come to work, I think of my friend,” he told me. “Like all Israelis, I understand that there is an enemy, and we are surrounded by enemies.”
“You wanted an example,” Asraf told me approvingly. “ He’s now a little bit shy, so he doesn’t give you the right emotion.” I agreed that it was a powerful, traumatic story, but I was not sure that it did, in fact, demonstrate any link between investigating speech crimes and stopping terrorism.
When the police find a target that they think can be prosecuted, they forward the case to Shlomi Avramson, the prosecutor at the state attorney’s office who approves the investigations for these offenses. A slim and soft-spoken man, Avramson has a background in internal affairs, where he worked in the units that prosecute rogue agents of the Shin Bet, Israel’s internal security service, and police officers — those charged with using illegal force, or torturing suspects. Like Asraf, Avramson wanted to emphasize how seriously he followed the letter of the law. He explained that all of the cases he approved were “black and white.” If it was gray, he said, he didn’t sign off. “In my point of view, freedom of speech is really important, even in wartime — really.”
There is no equivalent of the First Amendment in Israel. In the United States, the general rule is that speech is criminal only if it directly causes or imminently threatens serious harm, like arranging a murder for hire or saying you have a bomb on a plane. There is certainly no way to charge people with a crime for their reaction to a terrorist attack. In Israel, the situation is completely different. The criterion for an incitement conviction is the “possibility” that a person’s speech may cause harm, and the law doesn’t clarify what it means by “incitement” to terrorism or “identification” with a terrorist group, leaving a lot of discretion to prosecutors and judges.
If the law is written vaguely, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has made his own intentions plain. In February 2023 — before the Hamas attack — he appointed Itamar Ben-Gvir, the minister of national security, to oversee all the state’s efforts to prosecute speech crimes. A towering figure of the far right, Ben-Gvir was himself convicted, under an older law, of incitement to racism and supporting a terror organization. One of his offenses was that he had protested holding a sign that said “Expel the Arab enemy” and another expressing support for Meir Kahane, whose far-right Jewish political party was deemed a terrorist organization by both Israel and the United States. The Shin Bet was so concerned that they decided to monitor Ben-Gvir. Sixteen years later, he runs the machine that oversees incitement prosecutions.
I took out the Murad indictment and passed it across Avramson’s desk. He remembered it. “This is not an easy case,” he said. “OK? I’ll put that on the table.”
Avramson explained that the images had to be considered all together. If Murad had published only the image of the dead children, this would not have been indictable. What pushed it over the edge was the way the image of the dead children interacted with the images of the jeep and the bulldozer, because this implied that Murad might consider the attack to be a justified response to the harm against the children.
“When you put up a picture of a tractor breaking through the fence into the state of Israel,” he said, “when you know that after the breakthrough, a massacre was committed, and then you write, ‘When the “undefeated army” was asleep,’” it all added up to incitement to terror.
“I just want to clarify,” I said, “that she didn’t write that sentence.” It was written on the original image, and she shared it. This made no difference in the eye of the law. “Our legal principle is that the minute you share something, it’s the same as if you’ve created it yourself,” Avramson explained. “You’ve taken ownership of the text.”
The cell at Hasharon Prison stank of sweat and feces, but at least it had a toilet; in the holding cell in Nazareth, there had been a hole in the ground. Several of the other inmates were young women who had been charged with incitement for social media posts. Every morning around 6, the guards ordered the women to bend over, spread their buttocks and cough. One day, while Murad was undressing for a search, a guard pushed her into a wall and hit her. (The Israel Prison Service says that prisoners are held in accordance with the law, under the supervision of a professional staff; it was “not familiar with the claims described.”)
After a week at Hasharon, Murad was transferred to Damon Prison, where she was placed in a cellblock for those convicted of terrorism. The cell had beds for three women, but held six; half the inmates slept on the floor. The conditions were less dirty than where she had been before, but her situation had by other measures worsened. Most of the women at Damon came from the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Many were proud members of Hamas. They were serving long sentences for violent convictions. One had pulled a knife on a soldier.
Until this moment, Murad had never met a member of Hamas. Her father had told her stories about Palestinians who signed up to fight with the Islamic State in Syria, but she’d never heard a story about someone joining Hamas. Now she was meeting women whom the state had convicted of terrorism, not because Murad herself had been radicalized and sought them out but because the police had placed her in a cell with them. “All of the girls were looking at me like, ‘What the hell are you doing here?’” Murad told me.
The longtime residents explained to new ones how things worked. You put Jell-O in the water to get the chlorine taste out. You never shared information with a fellow prisoner whom you didn’t yet know. “When a new girl comes in, you don’t talk about your case,” one inmate explained to her. Israel used informants inside its prisons, so it was safer to trust no one. Murad did not ask anyone what they had done. Only after her release did she learn with whom, exactly, she had bunked.
Murad didn’t know it, but while she was in prison, a deal was being made in Qatar. Hamas had taken more than 250 hostages. Israel needed them back. A majority of the prisoners released in exchange would be Palestinians from the occupied territories — that went without saying. But the Israeli negotiators knew that Hamas would ask for some Arab Israeli citizens as part of the deal. They had made this request many times in the past. Whenever a hostage negotiation occurred, Hamas asked for the release of Walid Dakka, for example, a citizen of Israel who had been part of a militant cell that killed a soldier.
Israel had always refused to put its Arab citizens in play in deals with Hamas, because they feared what this would signal to the world about the country’s domestic politics. Israel has a two-million-citizen Arab minority, whom the government calls “Arab Israelis.” A great majority are ethnically Palestinian; they overwhelmingly refer to themselves as “Palestinian citizens of Israel,” to reflect their historical origins. This population is often held up by politicians and influencers as proof of the country’s commitment to pluralism. They vote, hold passports, win Knesset seats and work in hospitals and universities.
But that is not the whole story. Israel’s self-portrait as a democracy of all of its citizens was always in tension with its other mission, which was formalized in a Knesset bill in 2018: to be a “nation-state of the Jewish people.” In practice, this means that the government can never act against the interests of the Jewish majority, from the divvying up of tax dollars to the flow of clean water to the zoning of new towns. Arabs are citizens of the country of Israel, but not members of the Jewish nation — they are “citizen strangers,” as the George Washington University historian Shira Robinson has put it. “We don’t want them to be part of us,” Hillel Cohen, a professor of Islam and Middle East Studies at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, told me, summarizing the mainstream position (which is not his personal view). “They can never be full Israelis.”
Hamas leaders asked for Arab Israelis in swap deals because they wanted to put themselves forward as the power in this vacuum: They wanted to argue that Hamas was the rightful representative of all Palestinians, regardless of whether they lived inside or outside Israel (a state whose legitimacy they didn’t acknowledge anyway). Basem Naim, a senior political official in Hamas, told me that by demanding the release of citizens, Hamas intended to send a message that the Palestinian cause did not stop at the borders of the occupied territories. “Israel has no choice to exclude anyone based on geography,” Naim said.
Shalom Ben Hanan, who ran the counterintelligence and espionage division of the Shin Bet from 2016 to 2019 and advised members of the Israeli team that was negotiating the hostage swap, told me that swapping citizens was viewed as “a very dangerous demand” to accept, for exactly this reason — it made the enemy’s argument. Israel bent the no-citizens rule just once in recent memory, in the Gilad Shalit deal of 2011, which was also an exception in almost every other way. Shalit, an I.D.F. soldier, was kidnapped and taken to Gaza in 2006. Israel eventually negotiated away 1,027 prisoners in exchange for his freedom. Among them were Yahya Sinwar, the architect of the Oct. 7 attack, and seven Arab Israelis. The Israeli citizens were serving long sentences for violent crimes, like bombings and murder.
In the fall of 2023, Israeli negotiators reviewed Hamas’s terms. Hamas was willing to release female hostages, so Israel needed female prisoners to exchange for them. It just so happened that state attorneys had indicted a handful of women for incitement across Israel, for speech they had made on social media or at protests. Nineteen of those women were sitting in prison awaiting trial. They were available.
The problem was that these women were totally different, in nearly every way, from the prisoners used in the Shalit deal. Their supposed offense was an act of speech, not of violence. And they hadn’t yet been convicted even of that. Legally speaking, they were innocent. Most important, not all the women wanted to be released this way — as pawns in a chess match.
The longtime prisoners in Murad’s cell had become political analysts, discerning meaning in the tiniest change of a guard rotation or a cell assignment. One day, the warden passed by the cells that held prisoners who had been indicted since Oct. 7. A few days later, they noticed that the ration of food was increased slightly. “They’re probably giving us good treatment because we’re getting out,” one prisoner told Murad. “They want to get rid of us while we’re looking healthy.” Murad watched as women were, indeed, steadily removed. Finally, a guard came to her cell. Murad’s name was on the list. This was not how she wanted to get out. Her lawyer tried to file a last-ditch objection, but it was too late.
Murad was placed in the back of a car for the drive outside the prison gates. She didn’t yet know where she was going. “Do you know where we’re taking her?” one officer asked.
“To Gaza, right?” the other one joked.
It was around 3 a.m. when they dropped her at home in Nazareth, where her father ushered her inside and shut the door.
When the Israeli government agrees to a swap, it publishes the names of the prisoners in an online list: crime, hometown, date of birth, ID number. Most of the people on the list couldn’t care less, because they are returning to the occupied territories. But for a citizen, returning to a home in Israel, the list amounts to social blackballing — you are forever associated with the enemies of the state. “Being on a list means that your life is over,” one academic, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, told me. “If it were me, I would leave Israel.” Tal Benjo, the classmate who reported Murad to police, summed up the prevailing view when he told me that the swap was just confirmation that he had been right to make the report in the first place. “If Hamas wants to give up a card for you, that means you’re valuable to them,” he said. “This is common sense.”
Avramson, the prosecutor, saw the swap as an obvious success. In exchange for a few incitement prisoners, he said, Israel had gotten back hostages who otherwise might have died. “We saved lives,” he said. “We got people out of Gaza who would have been killed. And yes, on the other side, you have, maybe, a little bit of harm.”
Israel first criminalized incitement to terrorism in 2002, for reasons that now seem unthinkable. Lawmakers believed — as many Israelis did — that they needed to rein in ultranationalist Jews. In 1995, the climate of incitement against Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin led directly to his assassination by a Jewish extremist. Israel’s laws about speech were then a mishmash of antiquated statutes, some of which came from the British Mandate period. When the courts failed to clarify things, the Knesset decided to step in. Incitement entered the penal code.
When the topic of incitement came back to the Knesset 14 years later, in 2016, Israeli politics had inverted. Netanyahu — who in 1994 marched in front of a coffin painted with the slogan Rabin Kills Zionism — was in power. Itamar Ben-Gvir — who had brandished the hood ornament from Rabin’s limousine to a TV reporter, promising “We got to his car, and we’ll get to him too” — was a rising politician on his way to a post as a minister.
Under Netanyahu, the Knesset voted to widen the jaws of the 2002 law. Speech that might have seemed “innocuous” could now be criminal, the University of California, Berkeley, law professor Elena Chachko, who has written about this law, told me. The updated version would also cover online speech, which wasn’t a problem a generation before. “The 2016 model of terrorism will receive a 2016 response,” the justice minister Ayelet Shaked, who was a vocal supporter of the bill, said at the time.
This May, I visited Shaked at her home outside Tel Aviv and followed her into a garden, where a tiny white dog snoozed at my feet. Then a member of the nationalist Jewish Home party, Shaked became a fixture in Israeli politics by being unafraid to take hard-line positions. She once told a journalist, “There are places where the character of the state of Israel as a Jewish state must be maintained, and this sometimes comes at the expense of equality.” She believed that Israel’s demographic balance had to be maintained in favor of Jews. I asked her what she thought of the protests on American university campuses. She asked me to send a message back: “[Expletive] them.”
In Shaked’s view, incitement law was doing what it was supposed to do, which was prosecute Arab Israelis who sympathized with Hamas. Why weren’t they going after more Jews for crimes of speech? “Almost 100 percent of violence cases are Arabs against Jews, not Jews against Arabs,” she said. (Civil-liberties groups have long argued that incitement by the Jewish far right doesn’t show up in crime statistics because it isn’t prosecuted.) I pulled Murad’s posts up on my laptop. Shaked had no doubt that her posts had “celebrated a massacre.”
Shaked is excellent with media, and for most of our conversation she had effortlessly volleyed back my questions with clear, simple talking points that revolved around a theme: It was easy to criticize Israel from afar, but on the ground here, they had to stay safe, even if that looked ugly to an outsider — especially now. “We are not in a normal situation,” she said.
But when I started to talk about the swap, for the first time in our interview, Shaked seemed to be hearing something new. She stopped me. “She was swapped in the deal? Are you sure about that?”
“I was surprised, too,” I said.
“We’re not doing that,” she said. “We don’t swap Israeli citizens.” The state was abandoning its precedents at such a rapid clip that even a legislator who supported the counterterror law could not keep up.
When the Technion learned that one of its students had appeared on the list of prisoners who were swapped with Hamas, it decided to take action. Prof. Yiska Goldfeld, the prosecutor of the university’s disciplinary tribunal, sent an email to Murad. “A complaint against you was filed at the Technion,” it read. She had violated the university policy against supporting terrorism. Goldfeld expected her to make a point-by-point defense against this allegation.
There is one law group in Israel solely dedicated to working civil-rights cases for the Arab minority: Adalah, which means “justice” in Arabic. Adalah provides legal aid to defendants, and pursues strategic litigation in the courts. It is something like the Israeli equivalent of the N.A.A.C.P. Everyone in the Arab cities knows someone who knows about Adalah, so Murad didn’t have to think before calling them to ask for help, with both her criminal case and the Technion. They weren’t surprised to get her call, either; they had already gotten others like it. Nareman Shehadeh Zoabi, a lawyer at Adalah, told me that since Oct. 7, “you can’t express a Palestinian identity and not be linked to Hamas. And if you’re not fully on the Israeli side, you’re a legitimate target.”
Adalah helped Murad craft a response to the Technion. “Throughout my adult life,” she wrote, “I believed in coexistence, and was proud of my Israeli citizenship. I never supported nor identified with terror organizations.” In her interactions with the police, she wrote, she had “condemned Hamas and the massacres by terrorists against the civilians near Gaza.” She would have preferred to go to court and prove her innocence, she wrote, but “in spite of my objection,” someone had decided to release her as part of the swap.
The campus prosecutor rejected every part of her argument. Murad claimed she hadn’t “gotten to the bottom” of the attack before posting the stories; this was “feigning innocence.” It “could not justify the actions.” She claimed she didn’t know the full picture. But the posts were made too late in the day for that, Goldfeld wrote.
Out of all the items of evidence, it was the timing that seemed to break the hardest against Murad. Her defense was that she always slept late. At 11 a.m. on that Saturday morning, she had just woken up, so she had reposted whatever was in her feed. She did not own a TV or look at news websites, she said. But by 11 a.m., reports of killings and kidnappings were everywhere. Goldfeld wrote that Murad’s claim to have not seen them was “very questionable.”
During my reporting, I spoke to Palestinian citizens of Israel who had a similar experience to the one Murad described to Goldfeld: Their feeds served them content on Oct. 7 that focused on Israel’s armed response, not the original attack. These accounts were not all propagandistic or antisemitic — though some were. They were tooled to present an alternative to the mainstream Jewish narrative. I wondered whether Goldfeld had ever heard of Eye on Palestine, but I never got to learn; the Technion declined my request for an in-person interview. (In a statement, the Technion said that Jewish and Arab students had “overwhelmingly supported” one another since Oct. 7, and described Murad’s case as “an extreme outlier.”)
Then I had a coincidental experience while on the phone with Becca Polk, who was Murad’s host mother during the study-abroad year in Vermont. I called Polk because I wanted to hear more about this period in Murad’s life. And as we were talking about that year, Polk happened to mention that Murad was memorably a “night owl” who regularly slept until 11 or 12 on weekends. The attack happened on Saturday morning.
When I asked Murad to describe the moment she shared the stories, she worried that any comments would only make her situation worse (having received death threats when screenshots of her posts were being circulated, she asked not to be photographed head-on for this article). But my best understanding based on our many conversations was that the truth was kind of unsatisfying: She had barely thought about it. Hamas and Israel exchanged rocket fire frequently, and they seemed to be in for yet another round of back-and-forth fighting, so she shared what many of her peers were sharing on the topic.
Goldfeld wrote to her fellow tribunal members, recommending that Murad be expelled. “It is unimaginable that a student whose family was murdered by terrorists in the Oct. 7 massacre should share a classroom with someone released at the request of Hamas. Similarly, it is unacceptable for a student returning from battle in Gaza to sit beside a student who was detained because that student supports Hamas.” The tribunal’s chairman ruled that Murad would be suspended until a final hearing could take place.
The final hearing would be in person, with Murad, Adalah and the Technion prosecutor all making arguments. At the end, the tribunal would decide whether to lift the suspension and allow her back on campus, or make it permanent by expelling her. The date was set for July 14. With no classes to attend, Murad got a job at a tutoring center in Nazareth, where she helped high school students to get ready for the exam that they needed to take to gain admission to a university like the Technion.
Last summer, while Murad was waiting for the hearing, I had a series of conversations with a law professor, Mordechai Kremnitzer, who at 75 is considered the foremost scholar of incitement law in Israel. In 2002, as a fellow at the nonpartisan Israel Democracy Institute, Kremnitzer wrote, with another legal scholar, a paper that now seems prescient. The first law against incitement was then making its way through the Knesset. Kremnitzer and his co-author warned that if the law were written too broadly, it could actually undermine the democracy it claimed to protect. “Criminal law governs offenses,” they wrote, “and not thoughts.” They then proposed a much narrower version than the Knesset’s. The proposal was ignored.
In our first conversation, I showed him Murad’s Instagram stories, waiting while he considered each one in turn. He said immediately that three of the stories didn’t satisfy the charge of incitement to terror under the 2016 law. When I showed the post about “decolonization,” though, he hesitated. “It could be understood in different ways,” he said. “But the question is, what is the basis for assuming that this has a real possibility to cause somebody to commit a terrorist act?” No, he said: In the end, he didn’t think the charges had merit.
Weeks passed, and I continued to think back on this conversation. It should have provided some clarity, but instead it left a nagging feeling of doubt. This was strange, what we had been doing. Two professional adults, pedantically analyzing a 21-year-old’s private Instagram stories — stories that were tossed off in the moment, which she had assumed would be seen by a few hundred people at most. The Israeli justice system had done the same thing.
This ferocious reaction was the real mystery of the story. Maybe Israel had been plunged into a “moral panic” by the attack, as the law professor Miriam Gur-Arye — who had written about incitement — suggested. Or it could be that the government was trying to intimidate those younger, more naïve members of the Arab minority, who didn’t realize that their “reckless” posts could land them in court, as Abed Abou Shehadeh, a podcaster popular among Palestinian citizens of Israel, told me. Both theories made sense. But neither seemed to unify all the elements. Finally, I wrote again to Kremnitzer.
“As you discovered,” he said when we got back on the phone a few months later, “there is a significant focus on incitement.” Yes, I said; I was aware. “But this focus has a political motivation. If you explain terrorism through incitement, and idiots who are incited, then you make your life easy, from a right-wing point of view. Because there is no other background or roots to terrorism. There are inciters, and the incited, and that’s it. You never have to consider the occupation.” This was certainly true of my own interviews with law-enforcement officials. The word “occupation” hadn’t come up once.
“It has become the policy to leave the occupation out of the discussion,” Kremnitzer said. “We have all of us, all Israelis, been living for years with this blindness. But as an explanation for terrorism, I see nothing that can compete.” In essence, Kremnitzer was saying that incitement law was a means by which the “blindness” was enabled. It was easier to ask why a student had made an Instagram post than to ask why the images — unbearable and offensive as the Jewish majority might find them — nonetheless resonated with so many of their fellow citizens. To answer this second question, though, you had to start asking others, like why the trains don’t run to Nazareth and why the occupation has no end date, all of which led to facts that were very unpleasant to face. “Of course, by saying this,” Kremnitzer concluded, “I put myself under suspicion of having incited you. ”
One night, I planned to meet Murad in Haifa, but she texted to say that she was late. With a few hours to kill, I wandered into a bar on Hatib Street, a hole in the wall with a long wine list and a mixed crowd, Jewish and Arab. When the bartender asked what I was doing in Israel, I said I was writing about prosecutions for incitement to terrorism. “You need to talk to that guy,” he said, and pointed to a man in his 30s sitting with a female friend at the other end of the bar. I went over and introduced myself.
We found a table outside where he could smoke. In the streetlight, I could see him better: He had a cynical expression, as if nothing could surprise him. He was a Palestinian citizen of Israel who grew up in Nazareth and moved to Haifa, where he studied law. On the morning of Oct. 7, he posted a picture on Instagram, where he had 240 followers.
“What picture?” I said.
“The jeep, of course,” he said, in a tone that suggested I should have known.
On Nov. 11, the police knocked on his door. They transferred him to Megiddo prison, where he spent 13 days. He was waiting for his case to conclude — the charges carried a maximum of three years. “If I’m guilty, I cannot practice law,” he said. In the unlikely event that he beat the charges, he said, it didn’t matter either. His career was still over. “Have you ever been arrested? For what?” he imagined a potential employer asking. “I’ll say, ‘terrorism,’ and that’s it,” he said flatly. “The damage is done, whatever happens.”
As the law student was finishing his story, Murad called to ask where I was. Since the war started, the military had been scrambling the satellite signals in the north to frustrate Hezbollah missiles, and the GPS wasn’t working. No matter where you were in Haifa, your phone thought you were at Rafic Hariri airport in Beirut. So I put Murad on the phone with the law student, who guided her in Arabic to the bar.
My conversations with Murad had been long and fairly deep — multiple interviews totaling more than six hours — but they had all taken place in the Adalah offices, with all the self-consciousness that a law office always provokes, and I hoped that this evening would give more insight. When Murad arrived, she ordered a white wine and lit a Marlboro.
She was happy to be free, but reeling from the way she gained her freedom. “Our lives would be a lot better if we’d gotten out in a normal way. I’m not grateful to Hamas. I would have spent a few more months in prison if I could have continued my studies as usual.” (Murad was overestimating her chances of a not-guilty verdict. According to numbers from the state attorney’s office, all the post-Oct. 7 incitement cases that have been decided ended either in convictions or plea deals.)
I mentioned the academic I spoke with about the personal consequences of the swap. “She said you’re probably in bad shape for jobs,” I said. “Is that true?”
“Yes, I think so,” Murad said. “I’m studying computer science — I want to be employed by software companies. They do background checks. And with me, you don’t even need to. You just do a Google search. No one is going to let me work for them.”
There was a feeling I sometimes had when listening to Murad, that she hadn’t fully come to terms with the gravity of her situation. She was talking about hypothetical job interviews as if she would definitely finish her degree. But that depended on the outcome of a hearing that was still a month away — a hearing I felt certain she would lose. As the summer wore on, though, Murad’s confidence infected me, and I started to imagine a positive ending for her story.
A week before the hearing, Murad sounded hesitant on the phone — more nervous and down than I previously heard her. “How do you think it’s going to go?” I asked. “We’ll see,” she said, trying to be cheerful. I wasn’t surprised when a few days later, her lawyer messaged me to let me know that Murad had decided to skip it altogether. She would accept the school’s initial decision and never go back. She told me in August that she had realized it was hopeless, because even if the hearing went her way, she would always be considered a terrorist.
The charges and the swap had marked Murad as an outcast. But until the moment of her arrest, she had seemed almost exactly the opposite, a student who rose through the meritocracy and was heading for a normal adulthood — the degree, the good job, the anonymity in a mixed city. Murad had been holding onto this image of herself, even after it was discarded by the university and the state.
“It took me a long time to actually be convinced,” she said, “that it would never be the same as it was.”
Read by Rasha Zamamiri
Narration produced by Emma Kehlbeck and Krish Seenivasan
Engineered by Jeremy McLennan
An earlier version of this article misidentified Walid Dakka. He was affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, not with Hamas.
When we learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error, please let us know at [email protected] . Learn more
Jesse Barron is a contributing writer for The New York Times Magazine. More about Jesse Barron
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